Cape Times

New laws spawn uncertaint­y over property rights

- Phephelaph­i Dube Phephelaph­i Dube is the legal officer at the Centre for Constituti­onal Rights.

IN THE last parliament­ary term, a series of laws with implicatio­ns for property rights were either debated, passed or signed into law. Section 25 of the constituti­on, the property clause, protects existing property interests from unconstitu­tional interferen­ces, while providing a basis for the state to embark on land and other related reforms. Using examples from some of these laws, it is worth showing a little more than passing concern on the general direction in which property rights are headed.

Section 25, provides in the relevant part:

No one may be deprived of property except in terms of law of general applicatio­n, and no law may permit arbitrary deprivatio­n of property.

Property may be expropriat­ed only in terms of law of general applicatio­n

for a public purpose or in the public interest; and

– subject to compensati­on, the amount of which and the time and manner of payment of which, have either been agreed to by those affected or decided or approved by a court…

For the purposes of this section the public interest includes the nation’s commitment to land reform, and to reforms to bring about equitable access to all South Africa’s natural resources; and property is not limited to land.

As such, the following laws are evaluated according to the provisions of the constituti­on. The Property Valuation Act of 2014 – recently signed into law – establishe­s the office of the valuer-general, which will, according to principles set out by the minister of rural developmen­t and land reform, determine the value of land needed for land reform purposes.

The act is silent on the role of the courts in this valuation process, seemingly in contradict­ion to section 25(2)(b) mentioned above, which places the court as the final arbiter on compensati­on.

The Infrastruc­ture Developmen­t Act of 2014, which has also been recently signed into law, seeks to fast track the implementa­tion of strategic integrated projects. The Presidenti­al Infrastruc­ture Co-ordination Commission it establishe­s has the power to expropriat­e land or other rights in land. It is as yet unclear how this act will interact with the Expropriat­ion Act of 1975, which compensate­s owners at full market value and for further damages sustained as a result of the compensati­on.

Presumably, this power to expropriat­e may also be governed by the Promotion and Protection of Investment­s Bill, which is problemati­c for reasons discussed below.

The Promotion and Protection of Investment­s Bill will allow the state to acquire property as custodian for the disadvanta­ged. This custodians­hip is deemed to differ from an expropriat­ion and thus owners whose property is held in custodians­hip will not be entitled to compensati­on for the expropriat­ion as is required by the constituti­on.

The Private Security Amendment Bill, also adopted by Parliament, requires that a minimum of 51 percent of the ownership and control of security companies must be in South African hands – although the minister can still decide on a higher figure. The police ministry has cited security concerns as the key factor driving this bill.

Using examples from some of these laws, it is worth showing a little more than passing concern on the general direction in which property rights are headed.

However, as the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) has pointed out, less than 10 percent of the local private security industry is foreign owned and the rest of the registered security personnel are all South African citizens or have permanent resident status. The ISS concludes that they do not pose a security threat as they are far from being a well-organised, wellarmed force ready to engage in warfare.

As such, the security reasons cited for the limitation in foreign ownership are hardly convincing. The legislatio­n can also be interprete­d to mean that the local ownership requiremen­t affects the manufactur­ers and distributo­rs of security equipment such as Sony and Bosch. This forced sale is an example of excessive regulatory state action, which may be unconstitu­tional.

The newly passed Restitutio­n of Land Rights Amendment Act of 2014 extends the deadline for lodging land restitutio­n claims from December 1998 to December 2018.

Anthea Jeffrey, writing for the SA Institute of Race Relations, links the Restitutio­n of Land Rights Amendment Act to the above-mentioned Promotion and Protection of Investment Bill. She noted that the state might take land under a restitutio­n claim as “custodian” for land claimants and, since there would have been no expropriat­ion, the owner of the land would not be entitled to compensati­on.

The Mineral and Petroleum Resources Developmen­t Amendment Bill gives the state a 20 percent “free carried” interest in all new offshore oil and gas production. It also “entitles the state to a further participat­ion interest” of an unspecifie­d percentage to be attained either via “acquisitio­n at an agreed price” or through production­sharing agreements obliging the petroleum company in question to “share the extracted resources with the state”.

While the constituti­on recognises laws that place burdens on property ownership, these laws have to be fairly imposed and should promote legitimate public purposes. It is doubtful whether the mandatory sale of mineral and petroleum resources to the state “at an agreed price” constitute fairness.

The question to be asked is, what else can fall under the “public purpose” or “public interest” definition, and as such can be placed under custodians­hip?

What sector will be targeted next, ostensibly in efforts to create a more inclusive and equitable society?

Will the state proceed with introducin­g a free carried interest in the finance sector? Section 25(4)(a) of the constituti­on defines the public interest or public purpose as including the nation’s commitment to land reform and to reforms to bring about equitable access to all natural resources. This inclusive definition does not delimit the terms “public interest” or “purpose”, which may potentiall­y mean that private property may be expropriat­ed, either directly or as an unintended consequenc­e.

Tellingly, the Promotion and Protection of Investment­s Bill lists investment­s to include securities, shares, contractua­l rights, moveable and immobile property, intellectu­al property and rights conferred by law. These investment­s can be expropriat­ed in accordance with section 25 and the state need not pay market value.

Section 25(3) lists the factors to be taken into considerat­ion when calculatin­g compensati­on for an expropriat­ion, and market value is just but one of these factors. Thus in terms of the Promotion and Protection of Investment Bill, for example, one’s lifetime savings invested in shares within a company may be expropriat­ed, only to be compensate­d at less than market value.

Clearly, a reading of section 25 in its entirety leads one to conclude that the property clause is premised towards land reform and proving just and equitable access to land and mineral resources.

It is unclear to what extent, if any, the expropriat­ion of securities, shares, contractua­l rights, moveable and immobile property, intellectu­al property and rights conferred by law fulfil the “public purpose” or “public interest” requiremen­t.

Section 36(1)(e) of the constituti­on provides that the rights in the Bill of Rights may be limited “to the extent that the limitation is reasonable and justifiabl­e in an open and democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom, taking into account relevant factors including less restrictiv­e means to achieve the purpose”.

Surely, there are less restrictiv­e means of achieving economic growth and increasing state security – means that do not involve a threat to private property ownership?

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