Social movements are at the cusp of revolution in higher education

DR LONG’S article “Self-interest the foe of authentic change” (Cape Times, June 17) adds to the discourse on transformation at UCT, but makes unsubstantiated claims and is littered with contradictions.

Another worrying aspect is the author’s apparent dependence on name-dropping and quotes used without attributing them to a source. We will attempt to provide a context for the emergence of a social movement for change at UCT and in the process argue that what UCT needs is institutional transformation, not reform.

We find the quote from the address of Professor Saleem Badat on the occasion of an honorary doctorate awarded by Rhodes University incisive, especially as it relates to social movements in relation to what is happening at both UCT and Rhodes University:

“Alberto Melucci, the great theorist of social movements, conceptualises social movements as a form of collective action that is based on solidarity that expresses the existence of a conflict and that requires the system in which (its) action occurs to alter its structure.”

#RMF (Rhodes Must Fall) and BAC constitute a social movement at UCT. There is solidarity across ideological, race and class interests in this movement. It agitates for change through collective action. Such collective action resulted in the fall of the infamous Rhodes statue. The call for its removal is a metaphor for institutional change and social justice at UCT. Sadat predicts (rightly or wrongly) that: “This social movement is likely to extend to other universities, expand, and strengthen.” Indeed the influence of the social movement at UCT spread throughout the country. Internationally it remains to be seen whether the Confederate flag from State House in Charleston will come down.

Social movements emerge because the system needs alteration. At UCT, however, #RMF placed the discourse on transformation on the national agenda. The social movement at UCT comprises students, academics and workers, mainly black with progressive whites registering presence. What Long refers to as “student- and staff-led movements”, are actually social move- ments. At UCT the social movement challenges lack of transformation in institutional culture, admission policy, composition of academic staff, nature of the curriculum, signs and symbols. Badat captures the purpose of social movements succinctly: “Invoking the constitution, the Bill of Rights, and higher education policies, they are demanding greater social justice in higher education.” Social movements are therefore at the cusp of revolution in higher education.

The emergence of #RMF and BAC indicates the need for transformation at UCT. The social movement at UCT adopted varied methods and continually changes tactics in order to foster meaningful change. To then argue, “but in the other corner intimidatory, anti-intellectual spirit that seems to have descended over black students and academics”, misses the point about the purpose of social movements. Such an argument seems to suggest that black students and academics at UCT cannot be “intellectuals”. It repeats the baseless “standards” discourse advanced by UCT Vice-Chancellor Max Price. As a matter of fact, black academics coalesced against this metaphysics and formed BAC, which disabused the Vice-Chancellor and the nation of this anti-black rhetoric. Long seems generally dismissive of black students and academics, without providing any coherent argument.

Long’s “intellectuals” line of argument is completely confused. If the so-called “intellectuals”, as Long concludes, “in general cannot be trusted” why then is an “anti-intellectual” spirit problematic? An illustration of Long’s problematic reasoning can be found in his displeasure at the honest comments from black activists and black lecturers while he clings to the advice of “just be honest”. This is mindboggling. Does he expect dishonesty and liberalism from activists who honestly express their displeasure with the status quo at UCT? Should these activists romanticise about social justice? Surely a black academic in a polarised racial context who makes the utterance: “I don’t have to justify anything to a white male or a white institution” should be commended for honesty and bravery. It is difficult to fathom how Long could have concluded that honest comments do not inspire trust. His baseless criticism of the movement contradicts Steve Biko’s prophetic words: “Blacks no longer seek to reform the system because so doing implies acceptance of the major points around which the system revolves. Blacks are out to completely transform the system and to make of it what they wish.”

The reader has the choice between “trusting” Biko’s articulate wisdom and vision versus Long’s confused rambling. The struggle for social justice at UCT is about transforming the system “so that future generations may have a richer, fuller and better quality higher education experience” (Badat 2015). Selflessness and patriotism are drivers of activists in the social movement. The existence of social movements is a reminder that the negotiated settlement was much ado about nothing. Many issues such as the economy and land ownership, reconciliation and social justice remain unfinished business.

Long introduces the reader to his view: “…namely, non-racial anti-capitalism”. How does one become nonracial in a racially polarised community reflected in the discourse about the fall of the statue? Since capital is largely white-owned, is it logical to speak of anti-capitalism while at the same time you are nonracial? Long argues that the discourse on transformation at UCT has not paid attention to “the question of class”. He alleges that concern is about “decolonisation, Afrocentrism, institutional racism and ad hominem promotion”. This is an illustration of Long’s limited understanding of societal transformation – otherwise a broad and complex process. Long has been privy to e-mail communication within the BAC. He was aware of reasons why the discourse within the BAC crystallised around transformational issues problematic within the UCT context. The BAC has not been pre- scriptive to its membership regarding issues that needed to be debated. The fact that Long has to date been silent about the “non-racial anticapitalism” angle in no way makes the BAC complicit. The openness in allowing colleagues the space to robustly voice opinions and make suggestions are hallmarks of the BAC. The social movement advocates unapologetically for studentworker solidarity at UCT. The call for abolishment of outsourcing by the National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union, #RMF and BAC at UCT is informed by this principled stance. This shows support for the working class in their ongoing struggles with management. Not all academics are cowards – some, like Badat, speak truth to power: “The students of UCT and Rhodes are to be commended for bringing sharply into focus the question of social justice at our universities.” For us in the BAC, it is not yet Uhuru!”

Nodoba lectures in the School of Management Studies; Dr Chinyoka lectures in the Mathematics Department and both are members of BAC and lecturers at UCT, but write in their personal capacities

Struggle for social justice at UCT is about transforming the system