Cape Times

South Africa is ready for a sovereign wealth fund

- CHRISTOPHE­R MALIKANE Christophe­r Malikane is an associate professor of economics of Wits University.

IN HIS 2020 State of the Nation address, President Cyril Ramaphosa announced government’s intention to establish a sovereign wealth fund (SWF).

SWF’s are state investment vehicles, which are based on a number of funding sources.

The sources include foreign exchange reserves accumulate­d on the basis of balance of payment and government budget surpluses, official central bank interventi­ons to stabilise the currency, natural resource revenues, proceeds from privatisat­ion and pension fund reserves.

There are two types of SWFs: commodity and non-commodity based funds.

Two factors seem to have fuelled the rise of SWFs at least since 1999. The first factor has been the well-documented massive accumulati­on of foreign exchange reserves by central banks in export-led economies, especially in South East Asian economies.

There are costs associated with holding forex reserves, measured by the return differenti­al between foreign and domestic financial assets. Since in these economies central banks are state owned and, therefore, the government determines the structure of the central bank’s balance sheet, government­s decided to re-allocate a portion of these reserves to SWFs.

The second factor has been the significan­t increase in commodity prices from the early 2000s up until the onset of the global financial crisis. An example is the increase in the oil price from $10 per barrel in 1998 to $148 per barrel in 2008.

In oil-rich countries, the state owns a significan­t share in resource extraction, the massive foreign exchange earnings from this significan­t increase in the oil price prompted government­s in oil-rich countries to establish commodity-based SWFs in search of high returns.

In the case of Nigeria, for example, the government appropriat­es 60 percent of revenues from hydrocarbo­n based joint ventures with multinatio­nal corporatio­ns. This allows the government access to oil-based foreign exchange earnings, which it then allocates to the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (the SWF).

The idea of the SWF in South Africa arose from the debate about the nationalis­ation of the mines, because minerals constitute an important part of the basic sovereign wealth of South Africans.

South Africa leads in a number of minerals and our argument was that revenues from these resources should be invested in a developmen­tal way. For example globally, in 2016 South Africa produced 56 percent of platinum group metals, 48 percent of chromite ore, 35 percent of manganese ore.

Revenue from these resources should naturally be used to establish, and continuous­ly inject capital into, the proposed SWF to diversify the economy, because these are exhaustibl­e resources.

Establishi­ng a non-commodity based SWF in a country that is so rich in minerals would be a travesty to the idea of the SWF. It is, therefore, necessary for the government to give clarity about state participat­ion in the South African minerals sector, if the proposed SWF is to be given content.

The Government Employee Pension Fund (GEPF) plays a similar role to the SWF. Through the PIC, the GEPF invests in almost all the sectors of the economy.

The GEPF also has investment­s abroad, like most SWFs. All these investment­s support government’s financing of its future pension fund obligation­s, while they could also ease fiscal expenditur­e pressures. The characteri­stics of the GEPF are similar to that of the SWF.

It would, therefore, appear strange why the ANC adopted the resolution on the establishm­ent of the SWF, when already a non-commodity based fund and investment manager which plays the same role as the SWF already exist.

However, once we recall that the basic wealth of all South Africans lies in the minerals (and the land broadly) and in the resource-based monopolies, then it becomes clear that the idea of the SWF cannot be taken forward seriously without some degree of state participat­ion in existing natural resource-based operations.

As a starting point, the government should consolidat­e state ownership of mineral resources in the African Exploratio­n Mining and Finance Corporatio­n (AEMFC), which is the designated stateowned mining company.

The AEMFC should have shares in all the minerals and natural resources operations in South Africa, through joint ventures with existing mining houses or through its own operations. The ministers of finance and mineral resources and energy should indicate the percentage that the state should have in existing operations.

The minister of finance should derive a formula that will guide the AEMFC in allocating resources to the SWF, determine the SWF’s investment mandate and define its governance structure.

Unfortunat­ely, the idea of state participat­ion in the minerals sector did not feature in the Sona.

South Africa has chronic current account and budget deficits, ballooning public debt. An allocation to the SWF from the existing revenue sources, such as royalties, which are about R8 billion, would be sorely inadequate, and would widen the budget deficit and further increase public debt.

Royalties are capped at 7 percent of gross mineral sales of unprocesse­d minerals and they are around R8 billion. They are already a line item in the revenue of the current government budget.

A bold and correct approach would be to implement section 86A of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Developmen­t Act (MPRDA) allowing the AEMFC acquire the 20 percent free carried interest in all new natural resource-based operations. In addition, the government should devise ways through which the state can participat­e in existing operations.

The deficit on the current account makes the allocation of a portion of the SA Reserve Bank’s forex reserves to the SWF a tenuous idea. The government’s Contingenc­y Reserve Account stands at R285 billion, far less than its Contingent Liabilitie­s, which are R483bn. There is therefore very limited space to raise capital using the Contingenc­y Reserve Account at the Sarb.

In any case, using the contingenc­y reserve to set up the SWF invites questions. This portion could be used to address pressing contingent liabilitie­s which government has guaranteed, such as Eskom debt, as they are meant to do exactly that.

The Sarb is already managing the Contingenc­y Reserve Account on behalf of the government; the SWF’s role would not be significan­t in this regard.

An unfortunat­e possibilit­y is to raise capital through privatisat­ion: Eskom power stations and dams, concession­s on Transnet lines, selling off spectrum, partial privatisat­ion through strategic equity partnershi­ps, joint ventures in the form of private public partnershi­ps in potentiall­y profitable infrastruc­ture projects, etc.

The SWF will then, like the PIC, invest across the economy and abroad as a minority shareholde­r.

However, this would constitute rolling back efforts to build a developmen­tal state, further dilution of state control of the economy and it would weaken its capacity to drive social and economic developmen­t. Such a path would be very unjust, in a country that is so rich in minerals.

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