ROOTING OUT CORRUPTION KEY TO SA’S FUTURE
POLITICAL euphoria is a very cynical and deceptive phenomenon. Those who ascribe to its properties are gripped with zealous hope, promise and determination in articulating a prosperous future. Beneath this veil of anticipation, however, lies a bitter truth – that there remains a mountain of complex issues which need to be resolved. As such, positive change in the imminent future is not possible.
South Africa in the 1990s was enthralled, understandably, by a persistent euphoria, particularly within black townships and rural communities.
The promise of an end to decades of oppression at the hands of the apartheid government brought with it a pervasive optimism – one which painted a lustrous outlook for black South Africans. Additionally, the discourse of South African exceptionalism, championed by the incoming government, said that unlike other African states nonviolent democratisation in South Africa was indicative of the fact that the nation was a “miracle” – more exceptional conduct was expected in years to come.
In stark contrast, by 2008 South Africa was recognised as one of the most protest-prone countries in the world.
Worried liberal social scientists explained these disgruntlements as not failures of liberation but expected in a functional, “civil liberty loving” and maturing democracy like South Africa.
Without being highly stringent about it, the first phase of postapartheid protest action can historically be dated between 20042014, reaching a peak in 2009 with protest action assuming a more militant and violent character.
In this phase, civil society was also a key driver of protest action. The need for the delivery of globally approved human rights in South Africa became a huge get-up-and-go for civil society organisations like the Right to Know Campaign, Treatment Action Campaign, Section 27, Citizen for Marikana Campaign, Operation Khanyisa, Abahlali baseMjondolo and No Land! No House! No Vote!
By 2014, a notable change in the temperament and character of protests in South Africa took place, ushering in what I describe as the second phase of protest action in post-apartheid South Africa (20142024).
In this phase, protest action has taken on a much more sectorial, segmented and issue-based approach. The sharp rise in youth unemployment, increased cost of living due to ballooning inflation, exposés of government corruption and maladministration, vast inequality, and growing gender-based violence have forced younger, more passionately disgruntled citizens to the streets.
Pivotal protest movements in this era, such as #FeesMustFall, #MeToo, #EndRapeCulture (started in 2016 by South Africa women students) and #BlackLivesMatter are just a few examples of the kind of issuebased protest action that has taken precedent.
These types of protests will continue until consciousness directs society to more effective ways of protest.
Remnants and nuances of the history of South African protest action, in its totality, become foundational in structuring the coming third phase of protest action (2024-beyond).
Unless mitigated, this phase will go beyond the previous two.
The prevailing patterns of protest action warrant us to critically examine South Africa 10 years from now.
The biggest challenge we face is rooting out corruption in all spheres of government.
Our second challenge is to ensure that all voices in this nation are included in the process of making policy.
I must commend President Cyril Ramaphosa’s efforts in adopting the National Policy Development Framework (NPDF) which provides departments with a clear blueprint of how to ensure all stakeholders, including citizens, community, civil society and private sector, are central in the development of public policy.
Efforts in this kind are incremental steps to improve the government’s capacity to listen and respond.
Maposa holds a Master’s in International Relations at UCT. He writes in his personal capacity.