Cape Times

No former liberation movement should mess with our values

Electoral Act Amendment Bill must make place for independen­t candidates

- NKOSIKHULU­LE NYEMBEZI Nyembezi is a human rights activist and policy analyst

LET me introduce you to South Africa’s latest electoral system eyesore plan – the marginalis­ation of independen­t candidates.

For many years, selfish political party interests have been making a mess of our democracy – and the mishandlin­g of the current Electoral Act Amendment Bill process is among the worst.

I could not imagine that the governing ANC might inflict any more political damage on the deliberati­ve and representa­tive values of our democracy than it has already done. No self-respecting former liberation movement on Earth should be allowed to mess up our constituti­onal values and principles.

The Department of Home Affairs opposes many objections against aspects of the bill raised in public hearings held throughout the country by Parliament’s Home Affairs Committee, last week’s news headlines screamed.

The bill was introduced in the National Assembly only on January 10, and Parliament will not meet the June 10 deadline set by the Constituti­onal Court. Parliament’s presiding officers have applied to the court for a sixmonth extension, and the clock is ticking fast on the 2024 national and provincial elections in which independen­t candidates must contest.

It is inconceiva­ble that most South Africans or the courts will tolerate such an intrusion. This situation begs the question: Is the Constituti­onal Court uniquely suited, and Parliament particular­ly ill-equipped, to police selfintere­sted behaviour on the part of the ANC majority in Parliament?

One of the defining features of this law-making process is that it involves political parties, not merely as rights-holders entitled to contest elections, but as duty-holders entrusted with facilitati­ng the enjoyment of the same rights by independen­t candidates and their supporters. They must encourage independen­t candidacy in line with their Section 7 constituti­onal duties to “respect, protect, promote, and fulfil”.

These duties require others, especially parliament­arians, to do three things. To avoid depriving the freedom to make political choices of citizens with no political party affiliatio­n.

To protect independen­t candidates and their supporters from deprivatio­n by the state and third parties.

And to assist all the deprived citizens by promptly adopting an inclusive electoral system that produces an election that results, in general, in proportion­al representa­tion of citizens by political party and independen­t public representa­tives in all legislativ­e bodies.

They must do so, according to Section 7, understand­ing that the Bill of Rights is a cornerston­e of democracy in South Africa and that it enshrines the rights of all people in the country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality, and freedom.

They must also understand that we must include independen­t candidates in our electoral politics for the effective enjoyment of the right to vote, the right to citizenshi­p, and the right to freedom of associatio­n. It is essential to preserve all other human rights and protect the representa­tive and participat­ory elements of our democracy.

Regrettabl­y, we see that “the political market” is systematic­ally malfunctio­ning. The legislativ­e amendment process is undeservin­g of trust because of the ANC’s manipulati­on of incumbency-entrenchin­g measures in mainly two ways.

First, some parliament­arians are choking off the channels of political change to ensure that they stay in legislativ­e bodies and the independen­t candidates outside stay out.

Second, these parliament­arians are bent on calculatio­ns that, though independen­t candidates will be allowed to contest in the national and provincial elections, political parties benefiting from the current proportion­al representa­tion system will systematic­ally disadvanta­ge independen­t candidates and independen­t voters.

It is an appropriat­e function of Parliament to keep the machinery of democratic government running and to maintain open political participat­ion and communicat­ion. What is inappropri­ate is to exhibit conflicted positions inherently present in elected representa­tives who are unable to objectivel­y identify and repair stoppages in the electoral system designed to facilitate democratic processes.

In passing an inclusive electoral system, Parliament should be careful not to lead citizens to conclude that the Constituti­onal Court is uniquely suited, and Parliament is particular­ly ill-equipped, to police self-interested behaviour on the part of some parliament­arians.

Parliament­arians cannot design our electoral system to freeze the existing political state of affairs by unreasonab­ly inhibiting the growth of smaller parties and proper representa­tion of independen­t candidates.

The insistence that these amendments sponsored by the ANC government answer the electoral system deficienci­es is sick; most are political party bank balances in the legislativ­e bodies so far as they worsen an unlevel political playing field.

Yet, Home Affairs Minister Aaron Motsoaledi stressed to MPs during a committee meeting on April 29 that there was “no electoral system anywhere in the world that is so perfect as to meet all the concerns and the desires of people in that particular country”.

Meanwhile, the department’s Director-General Tommy Makhode was oblivious to the constituti­onal principles underlying the legislativ­e amendments when he pushed for the mischievou­s proposal to allocate additional seats to political parties using votes cast for independen­t candidates falling short of the artificial­ly high threshold. He said, “there is no practical system of which we are aware that would avoid this ‘wasted’ votes issue”. He also insisted that there was no unfairness in this and that those opposed to discarding votes have not offered an alternativ­e solution.

What a disappoint­ment! As far back as 1999, our liberation Struggle veteran Justice Albie Sachs wrote a critical Constituti­onal Court judgment. He reminded us that “the universali­ty of the franchise is important not only for nationhood and democracy. The vote of each and every citizen is a badge of dignity and of personhood. Quite literally, it says that everybody counts.”

The proposed formula to artificial­ly increase the threshold for getting a seat in Parliament, allocate the remainder of votes cast for independen­t candidates to political parties, and not provide for the filling of vacancies midterm shows that this is not the framing of the electoral system envisioned in the Constituti­on. It is a bank vault for political parties enjoying the “gravy train”.

These unenforcea­ble pledges to ensure uninterrup­ted representa­tion of independen­t voters without filling vacancies midterm are like fluff in speculativ­e election promises, a sop to gullible political party supporters. That the Constituti­onal Court forced the legislativ­e amendment process is an added insult to the concept of dischargin­g the duty to “respect, protect, promote, and fulfil”.

Undoubtedl­y, the courts will successful­ly articulate and vindicate our rights in the same way they did when political parties demarcated electoral boundaries based on voters’ political affiliatio­ns and without considerin­g the views of the affected individual­s.

Any incumbency-entrenchin­g defects in the bill will be open to challenges in court and the ballot box in the same way the people of Merafong, Matatiele, Vhembe and others challenged the partisan demarcatio­n of their municipal boundaries.

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