Cape Times

Why trade unions aren’t welcome in any political system

A common thread is the desire to limit their power

- SIYABONGA HADEBE Hadebe is an independen­t commentato­r on socio-economic, political and global matters.

A FEW years ago, a prominent trade union leader asked why trade unions seem universall­y unwelcome, essentiall­y persona non grata, across different political systems.

While the evidence does show varying approaches to unions by different government­s, a common thread is the desire to limit their power.

Government­s across various political systems often view trade unions as threatenin­g the establishe­d order, whether in capitalist democracie­s concerned with economic disruption, authoritar­ian regimes fearing dissent or developing countries seeking to attract investment.

Despite the potential benefits of collective bargaining and worker empowermen­t, the desire to limit union power remains a common thread across different political landscapes due to the perceived conflict between worker interests and those of capital. Generally, some social democracie­s and selected countries, like South Africa, have strong labour movements and institutio­nalised collective bargaining processes. The systems recognise the value of unions in protecting workers’ rights and promoting social justice.

The varying degrees of acceptance and repression of trade unions reflect the complex interplay of economic, political and social factors within different societies. The universal desire to limit union power, however, highlights the tension between the interests of workers and those of capital, which continues to be a defining feature of the global political economy. The tension is also evident in the Internatio­nal Labour Organizati­on, where the right to strike remains contentiou­s.

With support from various government­s, including South Africa, the workers’ group requested that the Internatio­nal Court of Justice provide an advisory opinion on the long-standing dispute regarding the interpreta­tion of Convention No 87 concerning the right to strike, which acts as a crucial counterbal­ance in the power dynamics between employers and employees. Government­s across the political spectrum and with varying economic orientatio­ns, along with employers, vehemently opposed the legal effort to solidify the right to strike within the internatio­nal system.

Nonetheles­s, trade unions have been historical­ly associated with Left-leaning ideology. One main reason is that the “political Right” is antithetic­al to the concept of workers’ rights. The relevance of worker rights and the right to strike are particular­ly salient in contexts like South Africa, where the extraction of minerals for the green energy transition has raised concerns about labour rights and exploitati­on. The killing of workers in Marikana dealt a devastatin­g blow to the progress of labour rights.

Capital’s power often overshadow­s labour’s ability to organise and exert influence and its existence. Consequent­ly, labour’s efforts to organise, mobilise and assert its influence are significan­tly hampered, challengin­g the feasibilit­y of a political advancemen­t strategy for the working class.

In the Soviet Union, trade unions were not independen­t entities but integrated into the structures of the ruling Communist Party, serving to advance the party’s interests rather than functionin­g as autonomous advocates for workers’ rights. The Internatio­nal Labour Organizati­on’s formation in 1919 was a victory for the internatio­nal labour movement, aiming to establish and uphold the standards of global worker rights.

However, the Bolsheviks’ consolidat­ion of power under Lenin’s leadership, marked by the suppressio­n of dissenting voices and the centralisa­tion of authority, ultimately led to a regime that exercised authoritar­ian control over the very people they claimed to represent. While the initial promise of worker empowermen­t and socialist ideals resonated with many, the Bolsheviks’ approach to labour struggles and their relationsh­ip with trade unions created a deep rift. This, ultimately, resulted in a betrayal of the revolution­ary principles, leading to a regime characteri­sed by repression and a lack of democratic participat­ion.

In modern times, China has similarly replicated the model: trade unions exist in name only. They cannot exercise the full scope of rights enshrined in internatio­nal labour and human rights instrument­s. Although labour unions exist in China, they operate differentl­y than in many Western countries. There is only one legally recognised trade union, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions. The ACFTU is a national organisati­on closely affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party and is mandated to represent the interests of workers in China.

Margaret Thatcher significan­tly reduced the influence and power of trade unions in Great Britain. Her government implemente­d policies and legislativ­e measures to curb the power of unions, which it believed were too strong and hindering economic progress. Thatcher’s actions were part of a broader neo-liberal agenda to reduce state interventi­on in the economy, privatise state-owned industries and promote free-market principles. The result was a significan­t decline in union membership and workers’ bargaining power.

The decimation of the US industrial relations system, once a bulwark of Cold War liberalism, has significan­tly weakened trade union power. Union busting, often motivated by the desire to keep labour costs low, maintain managerial control and avoid disruption­s associated with strikes and industrial action, has been a critical factor in the decline. The impact of the anti-union tactics is evident in the substantia­l decrease in union membership and influence in the US over recent decades, contributi­ng to broader societal issues such as income inequality and reduced worker protection­s.

Government­s prefer that trade unions’ powers typically be confined to issues related to the workplace. However, trade unions tend to overextend their influence by entering mainstream politics. For example, significan­t opposition movements have emerged from within the trade union movement in Zimbabwe and Zambia.

Frederick Chiluba, a former union member, unseated Kenneth Kaunda in Zambia in 1991, while Morgan Tsvangirai was not as successful in Zimbabwe.

In South Africa, the alliance between the ANC and Cosatu aimed to “manage” the trade union movement by integratin­g it into the governing state apparatus, thereby avoiding direct confrontat­ion. Borrowed from the ever-influentia­l Minerals-Energy Complex, although some would say it is the Scandinavi­an model, the ANC strategy has largely achieved co-operation from trade unions. In return, Cosatu and its affiliates have contribute­d ministers and administra­tors to the ANC government, assisting in its operation.

Furthermor­e, Cosatu has played a role in drafting labour laws, including the controvers­ial “closed shop” clause. The clause has faced challenges, such as the rise of the Associatio­n of Mineworker­s and Constructi­on Union in the mining industry at the expense of the National Union of Mineworker­s. In all fairness, Cosatu’s survival depends on public-sector trade unions due to the rapid decline in union density in the private sector. However, the government has overlooked principles of collective bargaining in recent wage disputes, signalling what will probably befall trade unions.

The Cosatu-ANC pact remains unchalleng­ed. Following in the footsteps of president Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, the DA has promised to limit trade union power and even scrap the minimum wage law in South Africa. This indicates that trade union existence depends on a “friendly” regime and tolerant capital. The former USSR, Zimbabwe, eSwatini and Bolsonaro’s Brazil should provide Cosatu with a glimpse into what happens when state power shifts away from labour-friendly policies.

From the capital perspectiv­e, Cosatu’s influence has been carefully managed through integratio­n. Corporate South Africa has provided investment opportunit­ies for Cosatu and its affiliated unions to contain their power in their companies. This raises the question of whether this constitute­s a form of capture. Cosatu and its affiliate unions have significan­t investment­s in major South African companies, often where they also represent workers.

In summary, trade unions are like an Achilles’ heel, and the type of political system is irrelevant. On the downside, trade unions often rely on favourable political conditions to achieve their goals. They also face challenges like internal conflicts of interest, economic pressures and outright hostility and repression from government­s or powerful business interests. These can be exploited to weaken their influence and limit their ability to protect workers’ rights.

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