Daily Dispatch

Give traditiona­l leaders back genuine authority

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IT IS true that South African indigenous traditiona­l leaders have no power in any of the state undertakin­gs all the way from local government through to national, with regard to policy formulatio­n, whether this deals with economic developmen­t, social, or any other activity.

They have no control of land that was taken forcefully by colonial intrusion from their forefather­s during the 17th century.

An article last year by the Mail & Guardian titled “No clear owner of the huge tract of land” provides an excellent illustrati­on of how the constituti­on deprives them of what is rightfully theirs.

Such a situation is ridiculous because it is well known that the land was owned by indigenous people before colonialis­m, as stipulated in the 1913 Land Act.

The current continued disenfranc­hisement of traditiona­l leaders is a clear indication of how Africanism is despised in South Africa.

To deal with this, I propose a revision of chapters 7 and 12 of the constituti­on in order to give African traditiona­l leaders some political power and roles enabling them to craft and determine the path and destiny of their peoples.

Traditiona­l leaders face serious challenges arising from their lack of power in their role of serving their people.

Even after 20 years of democracy, traditiona­l leaders are only regarded as a societal institutio­n that has no rights, responsibi­lities or powers, or any role in national matters.

However, that seems to be the complete opposite of what President Jacob Zuma had in mind when, at the opening of the National House of Traditiona­l Leaders (NHTL) in February last year, he said he needed to know what traditiona­l leaders wanted. I heard him myself, I was there in person.

The following year in February, again at the opening of the NHTL, Zuma alluded to and praised the unconteste­d contributi­on and commitment of traditiona­l leaders in the struggle, and the liberation of South Africa.

This even predates the establishm­ent of liberation movements like ANC, PAC and Black Consciousn­ess Movement.

These traditiona­l leaders were the first people to endure the invasion of their land by the colonialis­ts and the atrocious pain that went with it. This is well illustrate­d in the frontier wars, the Bambatha rebellion following the Anglo Boer War, and in many other instances.

In his moving speech at this last meeting Zuma showed clearly that he felt a high level of affinity with traditiona­l leaders in general.

In discussion about a response to Zuma’s speech some traditiona­l leaders have indicated that there are things that matter a lot to them. This includes the need for the genuine recognitio­n of traditiona­l leaders.

This would require authentic recognitio­n in the constituti­on of South Africa, where their roles and responsibi­lities would be well-defined.

The only remedy is an amendment of chapter seven and 12 that deal with local government­s and traditiona­l leaders.

This is not the first time this idea has been entertaine­d. Around 2000 an ad-hoc government committee and coalition of traditiona­l leaders advocated and proposed this amendment in parliament.

Unfortunat­ely it was never considered in a positive light, but was turned down – ironically, by a parliament dominated by black African politician­s.

As a result, African traditiona­l leaders are simply ceremonial. They do not vote on and neither do they participat­e in policy making.

This is fundamenta­lly erroneous because some municipali­ties intrude on land that is under the jurisdicti­on of African kings, and decisions are taken by political officials who at times do not understand the welfare of the people living in these regions.

The 12th chapter of the constituti­on only recognises that there are traditiona­l leaders.

And, to make things worse, it indicates that the establishm­ent of a house of traditiona­l leaders is a privilege of the legislatur­e, or political officials who may or many not have an interest in African traditiona­l issues.

As a result, Helen Zille of the Western Cape uses the same Chapter 12 to deprive traditiona­l leaders of what is rightfully their place in the Western Cape.

This is erroneous because the Western Cape has a historical and traditiona­l attachment to the inhabitati­on of the indigenous Africans even before colonialis­m, apartheid, segregatio­n and the demarcatio­n of the present suburbs and townships.

The Western Cape is, in fact, flooded with black Africans who pay their allegiance to kings such as the Xhosa Thembu and Pondo among others.

Meanwhile black political leaders in parliament and in society are not pointing fingers to counter this problem. This was unexpected of the ANC. Another factor to indicate that traditiona­l South African leaders have no power and are not recognised is that parliament seems to be on a mission to shrink the role of traditiona­l leaders. Every piece of legislatio­n brought in an attempt to give traditiona­l leaders some form of authority and legitimacy is rejected, as is the case with the Traditiona­l Courts Bill.

In conclusion, traditiona­l African leaders have no power because they are not recognised in the constituti­on. They cannot vote and only attend events in a ceremonial capacity.

As a result of not being recognised in the constituti­on, other people have taken advantage of what is rightfully theirs.

Therefore, parliament should revisit the clauses in chapter seven and 12 to ensure that they can regain their authority.

African traditiona­l leaders are simply ceremonial. They do not vote on and neither do they participat­e in policy making

Dr Manduleli Bikitsha (Aah Zanokhanyo) is a medical doctor in Cape Town and a traditiona­l leader in Willowvale (eNtshatsho­ngo) under the jurisdicti­on of King Sgcawu (Ahh Zwelonke)

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