A democracy in ill health?
SA’S oldest parties will have to touch base with their supporters before the local elections
DEMOCRACIES are precarious endeavours, as events across the world are showing. In most, political parties hold sway over whether the system delivers the will of the people, or doesn’t. So how political parties are organised plays a big role in the health or ill health of democratic states.
In South Africa, the issue of how the governing ANC is held accountable by its members has come to the fore in recent weeks. Ace Magashule, ANC secretary- general, has reminded the public it is party branches which elect and remove ANC leaders.
The trouble is that the ANC’S branch structure, designed initially as a means of grass roots democracy at work, is in a mess. This is best exemplified by the collapse of branches in the North West.
Another problem is that most South Africans, since the dawn of democracy in 1994, have shown diminishing interest in politics and voting.
I calculate by comparing the number of citizens with the estimated number of party members that, at most, 1% or 2% of citizens sign up as members of a political party. That’s because South Africa has about 58 million people.
The ANC is the biggest party, with 600 000 members. The IFP’S historical claims of over a million members are obviously false, because it gets fewer votes than that. The DA, the official opposition, keeps its membership numbers as tightly held as a Kremlin secret. In the absence of inside knowledge, I will infer a ballpark figure: they probably have more than 100 000 members.
If we assume the DA is the second biggest party with about 100 000 members, all the rest smaller, it appears fewer than 2 million South Africans belong to any political party.
But usually, most of those members don’t attend their party branch meetings. Where a party directs its branches to hold monthly meetings, typically only between 15 and 25 out of 100 members will attend an average meeting.
Enthusiasm for politics also routinely oscillates – at a peak in the run- up months to an election; then dying back once the election is over.
The ANC, which has governed South Africa since the end of apartheid in 1994, is representative of other parties in witnessing these hard facts of political life. Gwede Mantashe, when secretary- general, sounded concern.
ANC branches probably peaked with enthusiasm and numbers between its unbanning along with other liberation movements in 1990 and the first universal franchise elections of 1994. The party’s membership of 600 000 is down from more than a million in 2010.
While there may not be a tight correlation between party members and voters, member numbers are usually broadly proportional to the number of probable voters.
Superimposed on these universal facts of political life are the ugly machinations of power contestation. These often take the opposite forms of ghost members and gatekeeping.
“Ghost members” typically come about through the machinations of wealthy aspirant politicians who can cheerfully pay 100 people to join, as the minimum for an ANC branch in good standing, as well as pay each of their R20 annual membership fees. Such a ghost branch will then nominate a voting delegate to an elective conference to vote for their patron politician to some higher office. After the election, the branch will fizzle out for the next five years.
“Gatekeeping” refers to hostile politicians at a regional or provincial level removing members in good standing from membership lists until a branch falls below the threshold of 100 members. The aim is to deny a branch the right to send a delegate to the elective conference if the branch is likely to vote against the gatekeeper’s preferred candidate.
Another problem stems from the ANC constitution requiring a quorum of half of the members in good standing to a branch annual general meeting ( AGM) or to elect a voting delegate. One middle- class branch had to call its AGM seven times before it could get 50 members.
The ANC has taken steps unprecedented by any other South African party to counteract these malpractices. At the branch meetings to elect Cyril Ramaphosa or Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma as leader of the party in 2017, each member had to produce their identity document, which was digitally imaged, date- stamped and had a geolocation added ( personal observation).
This was done to prove that all who signed the attendance register were physically present at the same time on the same premises. The device had an automatic shutdown at 9pm.
Three years later, the ANC migrated its membership lists from the usual paper system to an online system where each member directly signs on with Luthuli House, the party’s head office in Joburg. The intention is that this will short- circuit any gatekeepers at a regional or provincial level. Currently, the system has teething troubles. The ANC is long overdue to revise its constitution to provide a mechanism for quorums.
In Africa, the ANC is the oldest surviving party, and the DA the eighth oldest. As historical achievements are not always a guide to future performance, both need to touch base with their supporters before the 2021 local government elections.