Financial Mail

Unclear associatio­ns

- Khadija Sharife

The arrest in February of Orlando Figueira, Portugal’s public prosecutor responsibl­e for investigat­ing money-laundering allegation­s against some of Angola’s most senior figures, sheds a bit of light on the connection­s between some financial institutio­ns.

Money laundering conjures up images of cash in a suitcase, though its modern equivalent is cash in a bank account. But what if those who attempt to spirit money away from banks are not clients but primary shareholde­rs? More to the point, what if that behaviour was the driver behind the creation of these banks?

Figueira is accused of shelving an investigat­ion into Manuel Vicente, Angola’s vice-president and the former chairman of the state-owned oil company Sonangol, in 2012 after he received €200,000 from an alleged Sonangol subsidiary, Primagest, via the Lisbon branch of Banco Privado Atlantico (BPA) Europa.

Between 2012 and 2016, Figueira took unpaid leave of absence, working instead as a consultant in the compliance department of one of Portugal’s biggest banks, Millennium BCP. The investigat­ion would have looked into the alleged illicit use of funds to invest in Estoril Sol, a luxury housing complex in Portugal where a number of Angola’s elite have purchased residences.

The complex is a developmen­t of renowned casino king Stanley Ho, who heads Estoril Sol. Ho is based in Macau, a former territory of Portugal and a tax haven. Ho’s company, Geocapital, is in a partnershi­p with Global Pactum — Sonangol’s insurer and a majority shareholde­r (89.9%) in BPA Europa until the investigat­ion began to heat up last year, when the shares were transferre­d to a Luxembourg entity called Atlantic Financial Group, whose shareholde­rs remain unknown.

Millennium BCP’s largest shareholde­r is Sonangol (11.04%) and its subsidiary is Banco Millennium Angola (50%). The latter is a shareholde­r in BPA.

The same actors keep surfacing: Banco Millennium Angola’s other shareholde­rs include Sonangol (29.9%) and Global Pactum (5%) while BPA’s include Global Pactum (58%) and Sonangol (9.5%).

This suggests that Sonangol is the dominant shareholde­r in companies allegedly conducting illicit activities to protect Vicente, who was at the time Sonangol’s head. And Figueiro worked at a bank, Millennium BCP, which Sonangol helped recapitali­se during Portugal’s financial crisis.

In fact, while the bank frequently posted domestic losses, its Angolan subsidiari­es documented profit increases of 50%. Portugal’s government, for its part, has claimed that Angolan capital is “very welcome”.

Much less attention has been paid to the origin of the capital and its relation to Angola’s politicall­y connected elites.

This was an issue raised by Portuguese MP Ana Gomes and the parliament­ary intergroup on integrity, transparen­cy, corruption & organised crimes, which addressed the issue with the European Banking Authority, the European Commission and the Financial Action Task Force.

In an interview, Gomes said EU law on measures against money laundering required an investigat­ion into the source of funds that are used to acquire shares in Portuguese entities, particular­ly large banks, when “politicall­y exposed people” are involved. Even the most credible banks operating in highly regulated jurisdicti­ons can be vulnerable.

The African Developmen­t Bank (AfDB) says in a report that Angolan banks maintain high liquidity. Yet “the majority of the population has no access to banking services, with only 20% of Angolans having bank accounts”.

Banking services are concentrat­ed in Luanda and abroad. And not a few of Angola’s private banks appear to serve shareholde­rs often criticised for privatisin­g national wealth. The AfDB’s report notes that while Angola is one of the world’s 16 most “graft-ridden” countries, “President [José Eduardo] dos Santos has declared zero tolerance of corruption”.

Millennium BCP and BPA did not respond to requests for interviews.

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