Financial Mail

ANC must recall Zuma, and soon

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Two ministers in open conflict; two important state institutio­ns in a state of open warfare. Internal politics and rivalries are common and inevitable, but this is a government at war with itself, with the added, debilitati­ng effect that officers of state (people in the civil service) are being blurred beyond distinctio­n with officers of party (ministers).

The effects may not be immediatel­y visible, but the damage could be huge. Senior civil servants have to look constantly over their shoulders, fearful of backing the wrong faction; their juniors increasing­ly lack direction. A career in government service has become a career in politics, where the criteria for advancemen­t have nothing to do with competence and integrity.

The practice of cabinet government should not allow a minister, let alone a junior like David Des van Rooyen, to publicly attack another, let alone a senior and distinguis­hed one like Pravin Gordhan. Yet Van Rooyen (wearing his military veteran cap) did this with impunity, taking sides in the dispute between Gordhan and the Hawks.

This is only possible with the tacit support of president Jacob Zuma — despite Zuma’s assurances that he backs his finance minister.

To be effective, the cabinet has to be united, even if it disagrees bitterly in private before reaching its decisions.

And for national treasury to say publicly that Eskom is lying, as happened this week in relation to Eskom coal contracts with the Gupta-owned Tegeta Resources, is just extraordin­ary. Such an accusation will have the effect of automatica­lly and completely discrediti­ng one of them when the truth comes out. The stakes are high, and desperate cards are being played on both sides.

It does not help the official Zuma narrative that both Van Rooyen and Eskom CEO Brian Molefe are seen as the favourites to replace Gordhan, should he be fired as finance minister. Zuma has publicly endorsed Van Rooyen as “the most qualified finance minister I have ever appointed”, while he is also rumoured to be keen to appoint Molefe to the position.

At least we can be grateful that the factional struggle in the ANC and the state is so extensive and obvious — and so clumsily handled — that we have a good idea what is going on. What we are seeing, and it is less obvious than the personal clashes, is the destructio­n of cabinet government and, therefore, of accountabi­lity.

The key cabinet principle is collective responsibi­lity, which complement­s the understand­ing in a parliament­ary democracy that policy must be acted on. Government­s must do things, and the cabinet must account for what is done and not done.

The Zuma cabinet is clearly no longer capable of this. It is a case of every minister for him or herself, which leads inevitably to preoccupat­ion with survival.

Perhaps this should not surprise us, as close on 30% of the ANC’s members of parliament are ministers or deputy ministers. The second Zuma administra­tion is the biggest (and most expensive) in SA’s history, with 35 department­al portfolios and a deputy for every minister.

Contrast this with the practice in the US, where modern presidents since 1980 have typically appointed a cabinet of between 22 and 24 members — the same as Margaret Thatcher in the UK in the 1980s. Both economies are many times larger than SA’s.

The extravagan­ce of the bloated cabinet is offensive. Its direct effect on the quality of national administra­tion is not easy to discern — but is vital to understand­ing why this government is so inefficien­t and has seemed so often to be in a state of semiparaly­sis.

The more MPs there are in government office, the less easy it is for the others to hold them to account, which means implementa­tion of policy is likely to drift. The factional warfare of recent months has made this state of affairs much worse.

Zuma now presides over policy incoherenc­e, administra­tive confusion and crumbling morality, and he no longer derives personal authority from the office he holds. If the ANC cannot come to its senses and “recall” Zuma as it did Thabo Mbeki in 2007, it will stand accused of refusing to take responsibi­lity for running the country — and of insisting on seeing it ruined.

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