Financial Mail

VBS: A TALE OF VAST RISK NOT VILE RACISM

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The situation in which the VBS Mutual Bank finds itself is the result not of malicious persecutio­n of “a black bank” by a regulatory institutio­n hellbent on protecting the establishm­ent, but rather due to the greed and mismanagem­ent of the small bank’s leadership.

On Sunday, the Reserve Bank placed VBS under curatorshi­p — the first time they’ve taken such a drastic step since African Bank was placed under curatorshi­p in 2014.

Banking registrar Kuben Naidoo explained that the problem was that 18 months ago the bank began taking hefty deposits from municipali­ties, which it then lent out to borrowers. “When the municipali­ties came asking for that money, the bank wasn’t able to pay,” he said. In February, when one of the municipali­ties wanted the money back, VBS couldn’t repay the funds.

Of course, that’s not how Tshifhiwa Matodzi, who resigned as VBS chairman this week, saw it. Last week, he wrote a letter to Naidoo, saying that it was only after a black board took over in 2012 that the Reserve Bank began raising compliance issues. “We were faced with a well-organised and powerful system, which does not tolerate growing black banks and black excellence,” he wrote.

But that’s a disingenuo­us spin on what happened. The fact is, the way VBS was run was almost the antithesis of prudent banking practice. For years, small mutual banks, which don’t have to comply with the myriad strict rules that govern big commercial banks, have been forbidden from taking deposits from municipali­ties. The reasoning is simple: if a mutual bank were to crash, taxpayers’ money is at greater risk than it would be at a large commercial institutio­n.

Back in 2016, treasury discovered VBS had been flouting this rule, so it warned the six municipali­ties to withdraw their deposits.

VBS ignored this rule — which speaks to a deeper truth about why the bank is on the rocks. In early 2016, the bank began an unhealthy dalliance with certain politician­s whom it believed could “protect it” from having to comply with the law. It’s a characteri­stic that gained ground during the Zuma years.

So it wasn’t that surprising that in September 2016, VBS extended a R7.8m loan to former president Jacob Zuma so he could repay some of the money for the upgrades at Nkandla. The loan raised all sorts of red flags, given that the R7.8m exceeded the bank’s annual profit of R4.9m.

Soon after, in 2017, the deposits from municipali­ties into VBS rose sharply to R1.5bn.

But even if it hadn’t been illegal for VBS to take those municipal deposits (which it was), the fact that such a large proportion of its assets came from just 21 clients was far too much concentrat­ion risk. If just one of those clients withdrew their cash, VBS was at risk of failing to meet its obligation­s. As everyone knows, a bank unable to honour a single withdrawal is a dead bank.

Would the critics, who claim the Reserve Bank is targeting a black bank, really feel confident putting their own cash into a bank that was playing so fast and loose with their savings?

The curators will now be able to shed light on what happened to the cash entrusted to VBS, as well as its governance.

But if there was anything encouragin­g to emerge from African Bank’s experience, it is that a bank can be nursed back to life from curatorshi­p. In VBS’S case, the curators, Sizwegobod­ontsaluba, now have a real chance of putting it back on an even keel under better operators.

So, the new VBS could still be a “black bank” — only with a real prospect of delivering on VBS’S promise of providing banking to the rural unbanked, rather than simply political cronies.

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