Financial Mail

STARVATION LOOMS

Rights organisati­ons fear a repeat of Ethiopia’s deadly 1984 famine amid civil war in the country

- Carien du Plessis

The 1984 famine is still one of the first things that comes to mind when Ethiopia is mentioned. Almost 40 years on, human rights organisati­ons fear one of the worst humanitari­an disasters of the 20th century could be repeating itself.

Officially the 1984 famine, which was concentrat­ed in the north of the country, was blamed on a regional drought. But the policies of Mengistu Haile Mariam’s military dictatorsh­ip to starve the Tigrayan rebels contribute­d too.

As many as 1.2-million people died. Today, lobby groups say people around that same region are being deliberate­ly deprived of food again, as the authoritie­s try to push back rebel Tigrayan forces.

“Tigray is facing a human-made famine,” Eritrea Focus and Oslo Analytica claim in a two-part report titled “The Tigray War and Regional Implicatio­ns”. It details the sequence of the conflict , which broke out in November 2020.

In January the UN estimated that nearly 40% of the 6-million people in Tigray faced “an extreme lack of food”. And even though a blockade on humanitari­an aid coming in by road was lifted almost three weeks ago, it’s still just a trickle.

Human rights organisati­ons Amnesty Internatio­nal and Human Rights Watch, in their recently released report —“We Will Erase You from this Land: Crimes Against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing in Ethiopia’s Western Tigray Zone ”— present a long list of alleged abuses, including forced detention and the looting of Tigrayan agricultur­al stocks.

A 72-year-old Tigrayan farmer told researcher­s that guards from the neighbouri­ng Amhara militia “kept telling us that Tigrayans deserve to be starved ... to death”.

“The destructio­n in the fertile Western Tigray region is aimed at moving farmers to dispossess them from their land,” the report says.

For example, a 63-year-old farmer in the area was told by men destroying his home: “This is not your land. You have nothing to claim here.”

Other alleged abuses include ethnic cleansing, war crimes, and a long list of crimes against humanity, such as torture, rape and sexual slavery. The report blames much of these abuses on the Ethiopian federal forces and the regional Amhara authoritie­s, which have both denied wrongdoing.

Access to Tigray for journalist­s and aid workers is severely restricted, which means the horrors there are mostly invisible to the world. For some perspectiv­e, Eritrea Focus has billed the Ethiopian war theatre as “the largest armed conflict in the world in 2021”.

It’s very difficult to say how many people have died, but one estimate puts it at half a million people.

Geography professor Jan Nyssen and a team of researcher­s at Ghent University in Belgium made this calculatio­n.

The figure includes an estimated 50,000-100,000 victims of direct killings, 50,000-200,000 starvation deaths, and more than 100,000 additional deaths due to a lack of health-care access as a result of the conflict.

The Amnesty Internatio­nal report lays the blame for the latest atrocities squarely at the door of the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) and allied forces and militias from the neighbouri­ng Amhara region, but it does mention that these boundary disputes date back to at least 1992.

Western Tigray borders Ethiopia’s Amhara region, and in recent years the dispute has increasing­ly taken on political and ethnic overtones.

A few days before the report was published, on March 24, a humanitari­an truce was announced, and the next day the Tigrayan and Ethiopian forces for the first time agreed to cease hostilitie­s. This made it possible for aid agencies such as the Internatio­nal Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to get a convoy to the region, with medical assistance, emergency food, household items such as jerry cans, solar lamps, mattresses and kitchen sets, as well as water treatment supplies.

This was the first ICRC convoy to enter the region since September, and the first humanitari­an aid to arrive by land since the UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitari­an Affairs stopped sending

supplies by road in mid-December, citing security and administra­tive constraint­s.

While essentials such as medical supplies continued to be airlifted into the region, these were inadequate and expensive.

The conflict hasn’t only caused problems for the northern regions. Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region is experienci­ng a severe drought affecting millions of people. But because humanitari­an efforts have been directed at the conflict, it’s been difficult to mobilise funds to assist the drought-stricken region.

The US has accused Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government of blocking humanitari­an access to conflict zones. Ethiopia, in turn, blames the rebels.

To an extent the authoritie­s seem to have pre-empted some of the report’s recommenda­tions by lifting the blockades against humanitari­an convoys. The report asked the government and regional authoritie­s to “immediatel­y restore basic services and facilitate safe, sustained, and unhindered access to humanitari­an agencies to all affected population­s across Tigray”, and remove “bureaucrat­ic and physical restrictio­ns on UN agencies and humanitari­an organisati­ons”.

It also calls on the government to order its security forces to end human rights violations and suspend all those involved in such abuses. Those held in arbitrary detention should be released, the report says, and it urges the AU to set up a peacekeepi­ng force for the region.

The Ethiopian government has promised to comply, even though it doesn’t agree with some of the report. In a statement from its ministry of foreign affairs last week, the government said it is “committed to holding accountabl­e all those responsibl­e for violations of human rights and humanitari­an law”, and has establishe­d an interminis­terial task force following a joint investigat­ion by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the UN Office of the High Commission­er for Human Rights.

The task force held its second meeting last week to discuss ways to expedite its investigat­ions.

The government also noted the “humanitari­an truce” that has come into effect and said “aid has started to flow to the Tigray region ”— something it said could lay the foundation for resolving the conflict.

Some of the report’s findings touch on internal boundaries, which could lead to the report being used for “political purposes”, the government said. It also feels the report has “ethnic undertones that seem to apportion blame disproport­ionately while trying to exculpate others”, and adds that it constitute­s an “unfair attack against the gallant forces of ENDF and allied forces”.

The conflict in Tigray started in November 2020 when the ENDF retaliated following an attack on its northern base in Mekelle by Tigrayan rebels. Before Abiy came to power in 2018, most of Ethiopia’s political, military and economic power was in the hands of Tigrayan elites.

 ?? Reuters / Baz Ratner ?? On the move: Ethiopians fleeing the conflict in Tigray walk towards a river to cross into Sudan
Reuters / Baz Ratner On the move: Ethiopians fleeing the conflict in Tigray walk towards a river to cross into Sudan
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