Mail & Guardian

Bullshitti­ng messes with the facts

Its purpose is to drive a political agenda that does not have the people’s wellbeing at heart

- I

n August last year, CNN commentato­r Fareed Zakaria invoked a famous 1986 essay by philosophe­r Harry Frankfurt to describe Donald Trump. Frankfurt distinguis­hed the liar from the “bullshitte­r”.

“But the fact about himself that the liar hides is that he is attempting to lead us away from a correct apprehensi­on of reality; we are not to know that he wants us to believe something he supposes to be false. The fact about himself that the bullshitte­r hides, on the other hand, is that the truth-values of his statements are of no central interest to him; what we are not to understand is that his intention is neither to report the truth nor to conceal it. This does not mean that his speech is anarchical­ly impulsive, but that the motive guiding and controllin­g it is unconcerne­d with how the things about which he speaks truly are.”

To an extent, the liar, according to Frankfurt, understand­s that there is a truth and hence deliberate­ly seeks to eschew it. The bullshitte­r is not concerned with whether a truth statement exists; he or she is not concerned with reality, but only with how to bend a presentati­on to meet his or her overall political objectives.

Zakaria was seeking to provide a conceptual understand­ing of a man for whom accuracy of fact is irrelevant; only the argument buttressed by the claims is important — hence “alternativ­e facts”.

Oddly, Zakaria’s comments did not elicit a Trump storm. So it was somewhat surprising that, when this newspaper’s columnist Eusebius McKaiser employed the same conceptual approach to President Jacob Zuma, it prompted a fierce reaction from the presidency. In itself, this response was ironic: it was Trump-like, and was launched against an article that had compared Zuma with Trump.

Leave aside the debate about the president. In an important way, the exchange highlights a significan­t, increasing and disturbing feature of the current South African political discourse: the widespread employment of arguments unhinged from any form of facts.

For example, it has now become an alternativ­e fact that the Constituti­on is no more than a tool of “white monopoly capital”.

The Constituti­on in general, and the Bill of Rights in particular, promotes a vision of a social democracy in which the major concern is to ensure that all who live in South Africa can do so in dignity; this in turn compels a commitment to substantiv­e equality. This fact about the Constituti­on is forgotten because it does not suit a particular political project.

In similar fashion, the fact that the majority of large corporatio­ns quoted on the JSE have as their major shareholde­rs pension funds whose members are overwhelmi­ngly from the working class is not convenient.

Hence, we need an alternativ­e fact that allows for the capture of these corporatio­ns, not by workers but by a new comprador class.

Absa must “pay back the money”, we are told, even though the public protector is yet to issue a final report on the Bankorp/Absa bailout. But that is a fact and does not fit well with the narrative that, were it not for white monopoly capital, we would be living in utopia.

The skewed structure of the economy is a paramount problem. It remains a clear obstacle to the attainment of substantiv­e equality as promised in the Constituti­on. But alternativ­e facts are not being marshalled for the noble purpose of transforma­tion — if they were, the focus would be on all forms of abuse of power, political and economic. Parliament would not be subjected to arguments that anticorrup­tion legislatio­n is at war with the transforma­tion of the economy and that the Constituti­on must be scrapped.

South Africa’s democracy was founded in 1994 on the basis of a constituti­onal system with, at its heart, deliberati­on and participat­ion by all. This is the model of governance we chose. As recent developmen­ts in the United States show, democracy is seriously threatened when a narrative utterly divorced from reality is inspanned to promote a political programme that, ironically, is the very antithesis of what it is proclaimed to be by the purveyors of alternativ­e facts.

Our Constituti­on was meant to ensure we never repeat our awful history. The apartheid government specialise­d in alternativ­e facts, such as communist conspiraci­es and the superiorit­y of white values, as well as the pernicious idea (much loved, too, by some market fundamenta­lists) that poverty is the fault of poor people. Likewise, Trump talks about the need to listen to the people when he actually means white people.

All of this discourse is incompatib­le with a society in which rational deliberati­on wins the day. So I leave aside who may or may not be a bullshitte­r. But the increase in bullshitti­ng imperils the very structure of our democracy and, in particular, the ambition of empowering 50-million people.

 ?? Photo: Jim Bourg/Reuters ?? Trumpomani­a: Bullshitte­rs such as the US president, Donald Trump, are not concerned with reality, but only with how to bend a presentati­on to meet their overall political objectives.
Photo: Jim Bourg/Reuters Trumpomani­a: Bullshitte­rs such as the US president, Donald Trump, are not concerned with reality, but only with how to bend a presentati­on to meet their overall political objectives.

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