Lesufi will have to show his mettle
New Gauteng premier will have to deal with power struggles in the provincial executive committee, expanding informal settlements, inept bureaucrats and rooting out corruption
David Makhura has just vacated the position of premier of Gauteng, making way for Panyaza Lesufi. Re-elected premier in 2019, Makhura still had almost two years left in his tenure.
An incomplete second tenure makes Makhura’s departure appear premature. It suggests that he was pushed, which points to fierce power struggles in the provincial executive committee (PEC) of the ANC in Gauteng.
Although seeming like a premature grab at power, Lesufi’s rise to the premiership may be a sound calculation on the part of the party. Whether the strategy bears fruit depends on a number of factors, some of which fall outside of Lesufi’s control.
For starters, Makhura was not obliged to leave office. Lesufi’s election as chairperson of the Gauteng ANC, succeeding Makhura, didn’t mean that he should instantly become premier.
The old argument against the so-called two centres of power, which Jacob Zuma’s campaign used against Thabo Mbeki’s re-election at the ANC’S 2007 Polokwane conference, was never adopted. Although focused at a national level, the debate had implications for the lower spheres of government and party structures. The 2007 conference eventually concluded that it was preferable that the party boss heads the government, but it was not obligatory.
This reaffirmed what has been happening since 1994. Chairpersons of provinces did not necessarily become premiers. Mathole Motshekga was not re-appointed premier of Gauteng after the 1999 election, even though he was party chairperson in the province.
The same scenario played out when Paul Mashatile was elected later in 2007. Nomvula Mokonyane and, earlier, Mbhazima Shilowa were appointed Gauteng premiers instead. Even Makhura himself was initially appointed premier while Mashatile was chairperson. In other words, Makhura could have remained premier with Lesufi as chairperson of the party in the province. So why didn’t he?
It’s possible that Makhura’s departure was precipitated by power struggles in the ANC’S Gauteng PEC. Although elected chairperson in 2018, one never felt that Makhura had his PEC firmly behind him.
Take Bandile Masuku’s case, for instance. Placed in charge of the health portfolio, Masuku got entangled in a controversy over the acquisition of Covid-19 personal protective equipment. The Special Investigating Unit (SIU) concluded that Masuku had not exercised proper oversight, leading to some
companies being hired irregularly.
Because he was not found to be corrupt, or to have benefited financially, Makhura opted not to fire Masuku. He placed him on suspension instead, while the SIU investigation into Masuku’s possible corruption was ongoing.
If found not to have been involved in corruption, Makhura undertook to return Masuku to the provincial cabinet.
The PEC, however, didn’t want to wait for the outcome on whether Masuku was corrupt. They wanted him gone immediately and Makhura eventually capitulated. As it turned out, the SIU never found any evidence of Masuku’s involvement in corruption.
Makhura’s loss of influence in the PEC was inevitable. It was a function of generational shifts in the party leadership in Gauteng. Makhura had been part of the ANC leadership since 2000.
He was initially brought in to lead an interim committee to stabilise Gauteng. The province was then beset with divisions largely between the ANC old guard of Gauteng, centred in Johannesburg and Tshwane, and “newcomers” based in the industrial and mining areas of the East and West Rand.
The newcomers had their leader in Mathole Motshekga, whereas the leadership of the old guard revolved around Amos Masondo, Kgalema Motlanthe and Titus Mafolo.
That Motshekga was even the leader of the “newcomers” was indicative of their “outsider” status in Gauteng.
A bookish academic, Motshekga had never been involved in grassroots, anti-apartheid activities. He joined the unbanned ANC through the association of black lawyers. He
was elected deputy chairperson in 1991, deputising Tokyo Sexwale, not so much on the strength of his activism. Rather, he was elected as representative of an academic, or professional, sector in the ANC leadership.
The newly unbanned ANC felt quite strongly then about multisectoral representation in its leadership. The “old guard” never thought Motshekga would ascend beyond deputy or that he had any such ambitions.
Motshekga surprised the Gauteng old guard at the 1997 provincial conference. He was lobbied and supported by the “outsiders” — including Sicelo Shiceka, Mondli Gungubele and Angie Motshekga — to stand for the position of chairperson.
While the old guard were lulled into complacency by their sense of ownership over Gauteng, Motshekga’s group spent sleepless nights recruiting members. They emerged victorious.
But the old guard wouldn’t quite accept Motshekga as chairperson, and so conflict ensued, prompting national leaders to disband the PEC.
That’s how Makhura, then a trade unionist with roots in the student movement, was brought into the Gauteng leadership. His initial attempts at rebuilding the ANC saw him elected unopposed as secretary in 2001.
As secretary he would go on to build a fairly stable Gauteng leadership, and rose to become deputy chairperson and eventually chairperson. He was at the helm of the Gauteng ANC for a whopping 22 years — that’s more than a generation.
It was always inevitable, therefore, that the younger generation would be impatient to see Makhura gone. This presents a problem for his successor, Lesufi. They’re of the same generation. In fact, the leader of the younger generation, Lebogang Maile, started contesting Lesufi as far back as 2018 for the deputy chairperson position.
Lesufi won that initial contest. Maile didn’t relent, contesting Lesufi yet again for the top position of chairperson. Lesufi won by a slim margin of 32 votes, and the PEC, just as in Makhura’s term, is reportedly dominated by Maile’s allies.
If that’s true, then they’re likely to show him who’s boss now and then, presenting some turbulent moments ahead.
It is not a bad idea that Lesufi is the one leading the ANC to the 2024 election. His approval ratings are probably better than any of his colleagues in the provincial cabinet. He acquitted himself well as the MEC for education, fighting to widen access for black children in predominantly white schools and making applications easier.
A former spokesperson at the National Prosecuting Authority and education department, Lesufi is adept at communicating controversial issues and has become quite eloquent. The man doesn’t need a spokesperson.
But Gauteng is a difficult province to lead. There are just too many things with which to contend. The province attracts the largest number of migrants, for whom it cannot instantly provide housing or jobs.
Some then resort to crime to eke a living and build themselves shacks. Informal settlements are ballooning throughout Gauteng.
And, for the richest province, with the best and most universities in the country, its bureaucracy is pretty shambolic. None of the hospitals, or clinics, built recently were finished on time. And now there are municipal billing problems.
Gauteng needs turning around. Makhura initiated a number of programmes. These included partnerships with universities and the private sector, economic activity in the townships, encouraging innovation and connecting the general populace to wi-fi.
But, there’s a lot left for Lesufi to turn around in the province.
These include flushing out incompetent bureaucrats, arresting the flourishment of informal settlements, cleaning up and renewing city centres and rooting out corruption. This is a tough assignment that requires attention to detail and a bit of a ruthless streak.
Lesufi will have to risk losing electoral support to stand a chance of rescuing Gauteng.
An ordinary day-to-day management style won’t cut it. If that’s what he has in mind, then he shouldn’t have even bothered raising his hand for the top job. Gauteng will be worse than it is now. And, soon the headlines will read: “The man who was content with the title, but lacked mettle.”
Mcebisi Ndletyana is a professor of political science at the University of Johannesburg and co-author of a forthcoming book on the centenary history of Fort Hare University.
The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the
Lesufi’s approval ratings are probably better than any of his colleagues in the provincial cabinet