What’s at stake on the ballot?
THIS year on April 27, our country will celebrate 30 years since the first democratic election took place on our soil in 1994.
Over the past three decades, there have been many successes and failures. Looking back, our country was filled with hope. There was a sense of togetherness, unity and purpose.
By understanding the atrocities of the apartheid government, our people were able to heal and find some form of closure from the work conducted by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
The first decade under a government of national unity, led by president Nelson Mandela, can be considered our country’s “glory days”. The executive, legislature and judiciary, as arms of the state, were all new and being established from scratch. In 1996, we ushered in a new Constitution, complete with a Bill of Rights.
It was all about building our nation and celebrating democratic freedom. The government was forgiven by society to some degree, as it was early days, and people were told to be patient and remain hopeful.
By 1999, millions of South Africans had received their green-barcoded IDs for the first time, which were required to vote in the national and provincial elections. In the first five years, most government departments were finding their feet.
In the 1999 election, the ANC secured a victory, with president Thabo Mbeki elected to office. The nation held its breath as Mbeki was set to “take action” on the many “hopes and dreams” of his predecessor.
This was a time when the economy and job creation were meant to take centre stage; however, ideological debates within the governing party overshadowed its progress.
Our country saw various socio-economic plans proposed by the government to tackle unemployment, inequality and promote economic growth.
It all started with the Reconstruction and Development Plan, which evolved into the Growth, Employment and Redistribution Plan, forming part of the overall National Growth Path and the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative.
Simply put, a collection of government acronyms, none of which delivered on their intended purpose.
For a short while, we did see better economic growth under Mbeki’s presidency. We also saw the rise of civil society in the form of the Treatment Action Campaign to challenge his HIV/Aids denialism.
At this stage, our country somewhat overlooked the slow and steady erosion of the state apparatus, including the Arms Deal and how Parliament was used to shield the president from being held accountable to the standing committee on public accounts. The scandal led to the Seriti Commission.
Our economy, service delivery and state-owned institutions took a back seat while the ANC internally wrestled for power, leaving the country with a caretaker president, Kgalema Motlanthe.
By 2009, if only we knew then what we know now, our country entered its worst decade to date. President
Jacob Zuma’s cloak-and-dagger rise to power spectacularly escalated corruption within every sphere of the state.
The only positive aspect under the Zuma administration was the unanimous support for the National Development Plan, but this soon joined other plans on the shelf. Rolling blackouts began as Eskom suffered severe neglect since 1994.
Zuma promised us Medupi and Kusile power stations and a possible nuclear deal with Russia. Our economy and the strength of the rand plummeted.
The Scorpions were disbanded, funding cuts to the judiciary and chapter nine institutions occurred, all while the president built himself a castle in Nkandla with public funds.
“Secure in Comfort”, as the Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela, cleverly named her report at the time, found the president guilty. But Parliament lost its ability to hold the president accountable or impeach him. The slogan “Pay back the money” was born.
As if the homestead scandal was not enough, a total takeover of the state followed. By 2009, the Guptas emerged, marking a period of confusion and unrest, with leadership within the ANC found wanting.
The country had enough. This time the truth and the full extent of state capture were to be uncovered. The work of the Zondo Commission had many glued to their television screens in shock and awe at the various testimonies by ministers, companies and organisations.
To this day, only a few low-level actors have been held accountable. The National Prosecuting Authority and other law enforcement agencies have only managed to recover a small fraction of the billions of rand lost during this period.
The hope of 1994 had vanished. Zuma was asked to step down, and then-deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa was installed as leader of the ANC.
In 2017, when Ramaphosa was elected to lead the ANC, South Africa breathed a sigh of relief, as we were promised “a new dawn”.
In 2019, the ANC narrowly held onto power, with Ramaphosa elected president on a reform mandate.
Yet, as we approach 2024, the sun appears to be setting on the ANC and its agenda.
Looking back decade by decade, one can only admire the resilience of our people.
We know now that patience is a virtue, but if taken for granted, it will see the wrath of a people revolting against a government.
For far too long, we have endured the failures of misgovernance and corruption. South Africans only have this one opportunity to salvage what remains of our government in the upcoming election on May 29.
With the last glimmers of hope lingering, we must hold onto our successes as a country despite this history.
All we need now is a government that puts the people first, focuses on service delivery, grows our economy, and aggressively and decisively tackles every issue standing in the way of prosperity.
Our country, its people, our hopes, our dreams and our aspirations as a nation are at stake on the ballot.