Saturday Star

How sedatives took hold in South Africa

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JULIE PARLE

IN THE 1960s, pharmacist­s and government authoritie­s were of the view that South Africa had experience­d key aspects of a “pharmaceut­ical revolution” over the previous 40 years.

These were fulcrum decades in which new medicines became important. Most in demand were antibiotic­s. But synthetic hypnotics, sedatives and tranquilli­sers were also important.

In the 1930s the substances posed challenges to those who sought their control. Enmeshed in issues of chemical, commercial, profession­al and regulatory definition, timid controls were proposed in 1937. These failed to gain support, facilitati­ng a permissive market for those who could afford the new drugs – white South Africans.

Markets remained limited. Neverthele­ss, many pharmacist­s, manufactur­ers, importers and consumers were quick to embrace the therapeuti­c aspiration­s and chemical technologi­es.

The 1950s was a decade of a greater variety and popularity. In 1954 a new classifica­tion, that of “Potentiall­y Harmful Drugs”, was establishe­d. Pharmacies’ discretion over sales was limited. Dozens of products were available on prescripti­on. This was often on the back of unsubstant­iated claims that their chemical properties would take away anxiety. Others were attainable as over-the-counter products.

White South Africans consumed pharmaceut­icals for a variety of ailments. The popularity of the new drugs might be explained in terms of the quest for a white, “modern” identity. As a historian puts it, in the prosperous decades of post-war South Africa and in the 1960s, theyfashio­ned their appearance, public architectu­re, and consumer and lifestyle choices to demonstrat­e their distinctne­ss from the non-white majority and to advertise their modernity.

By the 1970s, white women and (generally) male medical practition­ers become unwitting agents in a reciprocal relationsh­ip of need and aspiration. Some substances were ineffectua­l. Others gave relief to those who suffered from sleep deprivatio­n, anxiety and other socially or psychologi­cally induced torment. Some proved dangerous. Many also possessed damaging powers when taken in combinatio­n with other substances (such as alcohol) or if imbibed, ingested or injected, in excess or over extended periods.

In the 1960s, there were few black doctors outside the cash-strapped mission hospitals prescribin­g to middleclas­s private patients. Chemists were concentrat­ed in the urban areas. Unregulate­d “traditiona­l” medicines sector remained significan­t. But apartheid capitalism required the growth of black consumer markets while enforcing racial segregatio­n. Pressure to extend education and training of black technician­s, assistants and pharmacist­s gathered momentum. South Africa had been unevenly propelled towards a new phase of “pharmaceut­ical modernity”. This, too, would be marked by pharmaceut­ical politics.

By the 1970s, manufactur­ing had grown. On the recommenda­tion of the Steenkamp Commission of Inquiry into the Pharmaceut­ical Industry of 1978, reporting after the Soweto uprising, the apartheid regime’s support for the domestic manufactur­e of chemicals and medication­s was to grow “in case of boycott or war”.

This ominous atmosphere was reflected in the pharmaceut­icals sector. An advertisem­ent for Medigesic portrays an atmosphere of stress for many white South Africans. The ad projected their physical and mental state of being under siege. Medigesic invoked the state’s “traditiona­l” staunch commitment to their “safety” and “defence”. | The Conversati­on.

Parle is an Honorary professor in History at the University of Kwazulunat­al

Ritchie is a journalist and a former newspaper editor.

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