HOW HIGH IS PUBLIC CONFIDENCE IN ANC?
Recent scandals seem to be eroding trust in the party
ON SEPTEMBER 22 2008, ANC president Jacob Zuma made remarks with far-reaching implications for South Africa.
The fact that Zuma, on that day, announced the ANC’s decision to recall then president Thabo Mbeki from government is well known. Unfortunately, the crucial reasons given are often forgotten.
Many thought Mbeki was recalled in retaliation for the dismissal of Zuma from the cabinet in 2005. Some suspected Mbeki wanted to be a South African version of Robert Mugabe.
The truth is there were apparently substantive reasons to justify the drastic decision.
“The country needs a strong and united ruling party at the helm of government, capable of galvanising support for the government ’ s development agenda, ” Zuma said in part.
Then the punchline: “As the ruling party, we need to sustain the confidence of our people in the ANC and its government. Once this level of confidence is weakened, the ANC has no alternative but to take action.”
The reasons were clear: Mbeki had weakened the confidence of the ANC among ordinary South Africans.
In September 2009, Zamani Saul, Northern Cape ANC provincial secretary, revealed in an article published on the ANC website that research conducted by the party ’ s research unit had revealed worrying trends.
First, the majority of South Africans had a positive attitude towards the ANC.
Second, they were seriously concerned about the divisions in the party.
Lastly, there was a strong perception among South Africans that both the ANC and government leaders were self-serving, a research finding that Saul found to be “very interesting but strange ”, given the fact that the perception was “most pervasive among strong ANC supporters”.
Saul stated that the succession debate that began shortly after Zuma was inaugurated president of the country in May 2009 was responsible for the divisions.
By this time, Mbeki had left the government. And yet it was clear from Saul’s observation that the level of public confidence in the ANC had weakened.
Looking back at Zuma’s remarks about the rationale for Mbeki’s removal, the ANC should have had, in the words of Zuma, “no alternative but to take action”. But no action was taken. Saul also argued that the ANC underwent a “rescue phase” in Polokwane in 2007. Having been “rescued” – ostensibly from Mbeki, who, according to Zuma, had “weakened ” the party’s level of confidence – it was time to move forward instead of being engulfed in a debilitating succes-
Does failure to deliver textbooks elevate confidence in ANC?
sion debate.
Saul also remarked that the 2009 general election results showed that the ANC was not invincible: “We have lost ground.”
Again, losing electoral ground meant that the level of confidence in the ANC had weakened and, according to Zuma’s reasoning, the ANC should have had “no alternative but to take action”. But no action was taken. Zuma recently declared that the ANC was more united than ever before and enjoyed huge confidence among the people.
But the ANC’s sporadic losses in by-elections in its strongholds may be pointing to something else. It’s not clear whether the ANC is contemplating action – and against whom – to reverse some of the losses.
Zuma’s recent remarks suggest the ANC has cured itself of the weaknesses that bedevilled it during the Mbeki era, which obviously resulted in him being recalled. It is difficult to prove this, just as it was difficult to prove that the level of confidence in the ANC had dropped during Mbeki’s time.
But it might be beneficial for the ANC to seek answers to some interesting questions.
Does the public’s reaction to the Zuma-Gupta scandals signal an improvement in the levels of confidence in the ANC and the government?
Does the public’s reaction to the construction of Zuma’s home in Nkandla, that cost the taxpayers over R200-million, help sustain public confidence in the ANC and the government?
Does Zuma’s failure to appoint a permanent head of the National Prosecuting Authority – a critical anti-crime body – strengthen the party ’ s relationship with its supporters, considering the fact that crime was listed among the top five priorities when Zuma’s administration took over in 2009?
Does the refusal by the NPA (or is it Zuma’s adviser Michael Hulley?) to hand over the spy tapes help government raise the level of public confidence in the rule of law?
Does Zuma’s annual reshuffling of his cabinet help cement the confidence of the public in the government?
Granted, some of the axed ministers were “good riddance” because of allegations of corruption hanging over their heads (ironically Zuma’s supporters objected to him being removed for the same reasons).
Strangely, some controversial ministers inexplicably escaped the chop.
Does this elevate the level of confidence in the ANC?
Does the failure to deliver textbooks to schools elevate confidence in the ANC and the government?
If the answers to these questions are negative, the next question is simple: What action will the ANC take in line with Zuma’s supposedly strict leadership?