Sowetan

Crooks who pushed SA to the brink still running riot

Who knows where the country would be now had Zuma, Molefe and Van Rooyen been left to their own devices

- Ranjeni Munusamy

The announceme­nt on Monday that Bosasa had gone into voluntary liquidatio­n following the closure of its bank accounts demonstrat­es the power of the Zondo commission to cripple corruption networks. Halting corruption and taking action against perpetrato­rs of state capture does not have to wait until judge Raymond Zondo submits his final report to President Cyril Ramaphosa. As evidence of criminalit­y is unearthed at the state capture inquiry, it should be investigat­ed and verified by law enforcemen­t agencies; financial institutio­ns should take measures to prevent further illicit activities; and government should cancel crooked contracts and act against those responsibl­e for rampant looting. However, SA seems to be very forgiving when it comes to perpetrato­rs of financial crimes. While we live in hope that the National Prosecutin­g Authority will develop the will and ability to prosecute big corruption cases, people like Marcus Jooste and Gavin Watson continue to live their lives untroubled.

In the case of the Guptas, their legal and media strategy to project themselves as victims of the criminal justice system has helped dissipate public hostility towards them. The bungled Estina and Duduzane Zuma cases are being used to revise the narrative around their criminalit­y and normalise the idea of them returning to SA. Part of the Gupta strategy is also to demonise the state capture whistle-blowers and resisters.

Another strange phenomenon is the legitimisa­tion of collaborat­ors of state capture. Social media has allowed people who should be on trial for corruption to be “commentato­rs” on politics. In the wake of the recent load-shedding crisis, people like Brian Molefe and Matshela Koko, who, in service of the Guptas, were responsibl­e for bankruptin­g Eskom, have made a comeback as energy pundits. Molefe and Koko actually have the audacity to boast about their “achievemen­ts” and bewail the marvels they could have pulled off had they been allowed to stay on at the helm of the energy utility. Molefe, for example, continues to project the nuclear deal as a viable answer to the power crisis. Just this week, former National Treasury directorge­neral Lungisa Fuzile told the Zondo commission the deal would have breached government’s expenditur­e ceiling and condemned the country to an untenable debtto-GDP ratio of between 75% and 95% by 2030. Although the nuclear deal would have been the biggest government project in the democratic era, the Treasury was under fire for trying to follow correct procedures and protect future generation­s from being saddled with a bankrupted country.

The department of energy went to the extent of understati­ng the cost of the nuclear deal by 40% to get it approved. Former president Jacob Zuma was so frustrated with the National Treasury’s safeguards that he fired former finance minister Nhlanhla Nene in the hope that his replacemen­t, Des van Rooyen, would be able to ram the deal through.

Who knows where SA would be now had Zuma, Molefe and Van Rooyen been left to their own devices? Koko has also been bragging about his ability to keep the lights on when he was at Eskom. Koko’s Twitter followers and cheerleade­rs like Mzwanele Manyi, who called for the two disgraced executives to return to Eskom, disregard the fact that he shot up debt by burning diesel to keep the lights on. So he is projected as a visionary instead of a state capture collaborat­or and beneficiar­y.

Like Zuma, Koko has discovered the art of reinventio­n via Twitter.

In the midst of the loadsheddi­ng crisis, he tweeted: “To the @Eskom_SA Guardians, do [not] leave anything to chance on 8 May. ANC is selling you down the river.”

Who are the “@Eskom_SA Guardians” and how are they able to impact on the election? There is no doubt that people like Molefe and Koko still have a loyal network of people at Eskom. Sometimes, our nation’s resilience and ability to laugh off everything is actually unhelpful. After a frightenin­g and economical­ly destructiv­e spate of blackouts last week, we simply joked about our predicamen­t and resumed the normal course of business. The fact that the department of public enterprise­s told parliament last week that Eskom is technicall­y insolvent and will not survive beyond April has washed over most people. The collapse of Eskom is the most terrifying and dangerous prospect facing us in our 25-year history. Yet, as long as the lights stay on, we do not see the looming disaster as a crisis.

Most people believe this is the politician­s’ problem. Expectatio­n has built that finance minister Tito Mboweni will pull a rabbit out of a hat in his Budget Speech and all will be hunky-dory. There is no rabbit and no hat. In the meantime, we will continue to giggle and retweet the deplorable­s who pushed our country to the brink and still run riot without accountabi­lity.

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We live in hope the NPA will prosecute big corruption cases

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People like Molefe and Koko, in service of the Guptas, were responsibl­e for bankruptin­g Eskom

 ?? / ESA ALEXANDER ?? Former Eskom executive Matshela Koko shot up debt by burning diesel to keep the lights on and is now projected as a sage instead of a state capture collaborat­or and beneficiar­y, says the writer.
/ ESA ALEXANDER Former Eskom executive Matshela Koko shot up debt by burning diesel to keep the lights on and is now projected as a sage instead of a state capture collaborat­or and beneficiar­y, says the writer.
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