A formidable show of resistance
| Thirty years ago the UDF focused internal opposition to apartheid, writes Pravin Gordhan
THIRTY years ago, on August 20 1983, the most formidable internal opposition to apartheid since the 1960s was launched in Cape Town. As we mark the 30th anniversary of the launch of the United Democratic Front, it is important to reflect on the lessons of that period of mass resistance to apartheid. The UDF spirit and values are as relevant for us today in the struggle against poverty and unemployment as they were when we fought apartheid.
The UDF was imbued with the spirit of volunteerism and robust debate. Its character was one of inclusiveness. It understood that people, rather than money, were key to the success of its campaigns and its activist core believed in hard work, sacrifice and integrity.
The idea of creating a broad united front arose during the January 1982 conference of the Transvaal Anti-South African Indian Council Committee, where two momentous decisions were made.
The first was to re-establish the Transvaal Indian Congress, which had become dormant.
The second was to work towards the formation of the broadest national front of organisations to oppose the tricameral “reforms” of the National Party, which sought to co-opt sections of the Indian and coloured communities and create local authorities for African people.
Thousands of activists were transported from all over South Africa for the launch. They were accommodated in church and community facilities and fed. Albertina Sisulu, Archie Gumede and Oscar Mpetha were elected as joint presidents.
The UDF was a massive psychological blow to the apartheid regime and a major psychological boost to the oppressed. Not since the 1950s had there been such a formidable show of open resistance. Struggles that until then had been localised, sector-specific and uncoordinated were suddenly joined up, coordinated and linked to a common vision.
The UDF’s rallying slogan — “UDF Unites, Apartheid Divides” — was simple and clear in its call, yet profound in its application. It brought to the fore the three main social contradictions of apartheid: class exploitation, which meant the majority of South Africans did not share in the benefits of their labour; racial oppression, which meant black South Africans bore the brunt of racist laws; and gender oppression, which amplified the triple oppression.
When the front adopted the Freedom Charter in 1987, it introduced an even greater sense of historical purpose, continuity and connection with the proud Congress tradition of decades before.
What the UDF’s successes tell us is that, even with scant resources, great things are possible. The UDF ran on a modest budget with contributions coming from local communities and small businesses. Activists, too, dug into their own pockets to pay for the petrol, pamphlets, banners and other basics necessary to run successful campaigns.
Rather than money, people were the key to the UDF’s success.
The launch of the One Million Signature campaign saw activists take to the streets to collect signatures of South Africans opposed to the tricameral parliament. The campaign broadened mobilisation and reached people at a grassroots level. It was also a rallying point for white democrats.
Door-to-door campaigns, public meetings, marches, deputations to authorities and sit-ins were some of the tactics. Young and old, students and workers, housewives and businesspeople: these distinctions did not matter as South Africans rallied to the call to demand the right to vote, better living conditions, the release of detainees and many other inspired campaigns.
Resistance took the form of consumer boycotts, rent boycotts, mobilisation against Bantu education through the National Education Crisis Committee, resistance to conscription among white patriots through the End Conscription Campaign, uniting workers under the banner of a new federation, Cosatu, mobilising young students under the banner of the Congress of South African Students, and rallying women through various structures and the UDF Women’s Congress.
A state of emergency was declared, and a campaign to end the emergency and release thousands of detainees followed.
By 1985, the confluence of mass campaigns growing underground, military activity and the global campaign to isolate South Africa and impose sanctions posed a serious challenge to the apartheid government.
The strength of the front lay in its affiliates acting together. Activists in umbrella organisations — the civics, youth movements, women’s
It was imbued with the spirit of volunteerism and robust debate; its character was one of inclusiveness; its activist core believed in hard work, sacrifice and integrity
organisations and political structures — set about creating branches or new organisations where none had existed before.
A vibrant democratic culture pervaded the UDF. Its forums were characterised by robust debate and this culture permeated its affiliates.
Recruiting into the ranks of the democratic movement underground meant that many had the privilege to learn the values of integrity, hard work and discipline from the elders. This was reflected in the orderly manner in which they conducted their campaigns, ran their meetings and interacted with the people.
The UDF practised non-racialism and non-sexism inside the framework that the liberation of the African masses was the primary goal of that phase of the struggle.
Solid ethics addressed the concerns of ordinary citizens and created a consciousness to be active participants in their struggles.
The wisdom of older leaders, some of whom had served prison sentences, sealed an intergenerational bond between leaders who had been part of the Congress movement in the 1950s and the younger, post-1976 generation of activists.
Local engagement also generated local leaders, which made it all the more difficult for the state to understand and control.
It is this feature of UDF mobilisation that enabled it to withstand the vicious assault by the state on its leaders.
The UDF’s approach was in keeping with the broader strategy of advancing a national democratic struggle, building non-racialism through collective grassroots campaigns cutting across sectors, promoting women’s and youth organisations, reaching out to all religious sectors and cutting across community and labour organisations. But there was also the unity of the legal structures and the underground of the ANC.
The UDF was a nonviolent organisation, yet it functioned at a time when state violence was at its height. More poignant are the stories of the leadership and courage of ordinary men and women who joined the front. Many were detained and tortured.
Others were the target of apartheid-sponsored hit squads and lost their lives. UDF leaders featured as the accused in several high-profile political trials, among them the trial of two of its presidents with 12 others in Pietermaritzburg, and the Delmas Treason Trial, in which 20 UDF leaders were charged.
By 1986, the state ceased to use the courts to stave off popular resistance and nurtured surrogate forces to oppose the UDF. This manifested itself in the “Six-Day War” in Alexandra and in the killing fields of KwaZulu-Natal.
In 1988, the UDF’s activities were restricted by the state, but it had little effect on mobilisation because the UDF existed at street level in every township.
As we remember the UDF’s contribution to our struggle for democracy and social justice, we need to reflect on how we can still hold on to the democratic culture of the UDF. The “monetisation” of activism can seriously undermine the democratic values we want to embed in our national conduct.
We still have the responsibility to build visionary, principled and disciplined organisations at a grassroots level so that they can work with political formations to create a better life.
Sacrifice instead of greed, collective benefit instead of selfish enrichment, and a constant search for ways to transform the lives of millions of poor South Africans must still inspire a new generation of activists in this democratic era. There is still much to do to build a better life for all.
Gordhan, a founder member of the UDF, is the minister of finance