Improbable storyline of Thai political drama divides nation
Corruption figures large in complex plot, writes Peter Malherbe
IF any author had come up with a plot telling of political intrigue similar to that unfolding in Thailand, he would probably be dismissed as out of touch with reality. But there is nothing unreal about the war being fought on the streets of Bangkok.
It has become a deadly battle between the government and opposition forces set on overturning the country’s political system and neither side is showing any sign of backing down.
But, being Thailand, there are some twists and turns that make it different to any other political tussle.
Just for starters, what chance would there be of the two foes declaring a truce to celebrate the birthday of the nation’s monarch? This they did on Thursday, before leaping back into the fray again on Friday.
And where else would the security forces step aside to let protesters gain entry to the
In self-imposed exile . . . he is accused of continuing to pull the strings of government
office of the prime minister, and the city’s police headquarters, in a bid to avert confrontation? Only in Thailand, surely.
The basic storyline seems simple enough — protesters take to the streets in a bid to unseat the government. But this tale is anything but simple.
Looming large over every move is the shadow of a former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, who was deposed by a military coup in 2006 and now lives in self-imposed exile.
Wanted on corruption charges in his homeland, he is accused of continuing to pull the strings of government and of secretly trying to secure amnesty from prosecution.
To do this, it is held, he has wormed members of his family into key positions of influence.
Leading the government is his sister, Yingluck, who is seen as a puppet obedient to her brother’s wishes and whims. And all the maneuverings are backed by a vast family fortune.
The present crisis was sparked by a move to speed an amnesty bill into law.
It was hurriedly passed through parliament, in which the government has a big majority, but a huge public outcry resulted in it being rejected by the senate. Although the government can resubmit the bill, it has already announced that it won’t.
Clearly, Thaksin and his cohorts got the timing wrong on this one.
Thaksin is a hugely divisive figure in Thailand. Thais either love him or hate him. His supporters are drawn from the poor rural areas and the working classes whereas his detractors are generally more affluent and educated.
There is also a big regional divide. The people of the north and northeast back him, but he is disliked in the south of the country. The people of Bangkok are split, but most middle- and upper-class residents seem to be in the anti-Thaksin camp.
Then there are the colourcoded action groups. Many of the protesters on the streets this week are members of the “yellow shirts”, who support the opposition Democratic Party and detest Thaksin.
They are fiercely royalist and are accused by their opponents of seeking to maintain the class system in Thailand. In 2008 they occupied and closed Bangkok’s airports to protest against the appointment of the billionaire’s brother as prime minister.
On the other side are the “red shirts”, who support and are supported by Thaksin. They were behind the street protests in 2010 that led to arson and deaths on the streets of Bangkok.
Drawing many supporters from the ruling Pheu Thai Party, they made a show of force in the capital this week, with violence resulting in four deaths.
As a new week of protest begins, there seems little chance of the impasse being resolved. Very little came out of last weekend’s meeting between the prime minister and the protest leader, former opposition deputy prime minister Suthep Thaugsuban.
Set up by military bosses, Suthep said he would not be satisfied with the calling of a new election. He maintains the present system is too contaminated by Thaksin’s influence and by rampant vote-buying.
Instead, he wants there to be an appointed government for Thailand, with a hand-picked “people’s council” and a royally appointed prime minister.
As seems to be the rule with every round of this battle, the meeting had a bizarre sequel. Calling on the protest leader to surrender to the police, the deputy prime minister, Surapong Tovichakchaikul, appeared to suggest that the premier broke the law by meeting Suthep.
According to MCOT online news, Surapong said those who provided Suthep with shelter and medical treatment were guilty of offences, as were those who met him.
Then, inexplicably, he said the government could be charged with being his accomplice if it held talks with the protest leader.
Could Yingluck’s meeting with Suthep have slipped his mind?
Surely not, but stranger
Yellow shirts are fiercely royalist and are accused of seeking to maintain the class system
things have happened in Thai politics.
There is now concern about the effect of the protests on Thailand’s tourism industry. More than 30 countries this week issued travel advisories urging people to avoid troublespots in the capital, but there have been no reported incidents involving tourists and hotels say bookings are holding firm.
Popular beach destinations such as Phuket, Pattaya, Hua Hin and Samui are as busy as usual, with little sign of the problems upcountry.
So, despite the political wrangling, it seems Thais know not to risk killing off the golden goose and will continue to make visitors feel welcome — which is something they continue to be pretty good at.