Friends, advisers and a few rogues
Chief operations officer, the Presidency Kaunda has a long-standing relationship with President Jacob Zuma and is considered his most trusted aide.
Their relationship goes back to his days as economic development MEC in KwaZulu-Natal in the ’90s, when she started working for him.
Such is her power that one minister was convinced that his days in Zuma’s cabinet were numbered, all because she did not greet him when they boarded the same plane.
All those who have clashed with her have ended up leaving the Presidency, including ANC deputy secretary-general Jessie Duarte and former presidential spokesman and newspaper editor Vusi Mona. Current ANC spokesman Zizi Kodwa — who was Zuma’s spokesman — left that post after a fallout with the president.
Kaunda is one person at the Union Buildings whom the president is said to confide in. Even party officials go to her when they need someone to convince the president on some issue.
It is her unassuming and polite attitude that makes her power even more lethal, her detractors say.
Over the years she has proved to be Zuma’s most loyal aide and he takes what she says seriously.
Director-general, Presidency Lubisi was not Zuma's first choice — the president was eyeing businessman Sandile Zungu after his fallout with Vusi Mavimbela, who ended up as ambassador to Zimbabwe. But Lubisi has gone on to become one of Zuma’s most trusted officials.
As director-general, he is seen as a background operator. While he ticks all the right “struggle credential” boxes, he has dedicated his time to the public service and is considered a consummate professional. He pens some of the most polished of Zuma’s defences — responding to critics in newspaper articles — but allows the presidential spokespeople to take the credit.
Zuma’s private lawyer Hulley was thrust into the public arena as Zuma’s lawyer during the president-to-be’s most difficult period: when he faced rape charges — on which he was acquitted — and allegations of fraud and corruption. Although Zuma appointed Advocate Bonisiwe Makhene as his official legal adviser, the president turns to Hulley whenever he has legal matters to deal with.
Hulley wields such influence that he was among those who persuaded Zuma to hire Mxolisi Nxasana as the national director of public prosecutions.
It is understood that he was also involved in trying to resolve the stalemate between Zuma and Nxasana, which resulted in Nxasana accepting a golden handshake to leave the National Prosecuting Authority.
Hulley is so entrenched in the Zuma family that he is involved in business dealings with some
of the president’s relatives.
ANC deputy secretary-general Duarte believes in Zuma and is among those who always defend him at ANC meetings. She also takes his side when decisions have to be taken at the smaller meetings of the ANC’s top six officials.
Her departure from the Presidency had more to do with personal differences and a power struggle between herself and Kaunda.
Her relationship with Zuma has remained unscathed. ANC national chairwoman
She may have felt betrayed by Zuma when he did not appoint her as deputy president in 2009, but their relationship has remained strong and she is one of his most vociferous backers.
She is among those who have always believed that Zuma’s legal woes were a result of a political conspiracy by former president Thabo Mbeki.
As the leadership race ahead of the 2017 ANC conference intensifies, she is trying to position herself as a successor to Zuma. But Zuma seems to favour his ex-wife, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, who now appears to be ahead of Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa in the race for the presidency. Ace Magashule, Supra Mahumapelo and David Mabuza Their power lies in their collective strength and ability to manoeuvre politically and influence outcomes in areas beyond their own provinces. Anyone who doubts their clout need look no further than the appointment of David van Rooyen as finance minister, short-lived though it may have been.
It is no coincidence that Mahumapelo, premier of North West, was the only person willing to come out publicly in defence of Van Rooyen, whose appointment shook the markets and sent the rand tumbling to record lows.
It is clear that he had a hand in Van Rooyen’s appointment, with the two having served together in the ANC provincial executive committee in North West.
The other bizarre appointment, that of Free State agriculture MEC Mosebenzi Zwane as minister of mineral resources, was widely considered to have been a reward for premier Magashule’s loyalty to Zuma. Mpumalanga, where Mabuza is premier, has already sent one of its own to Zuma’s cabinet — David Mahlobo, a former provincial head of department who is now minister of state security.
The three premiers were actively involved in the election of Bathabile Dlamini as the ANC Women’s League president and of Collen Maine as the leader of the ANC Youth League.
They also have KwaZulu-Natal ANC chairman Sihle Zikalala in their fold — making them a powerful bloc behind DlaminiZuma’s campaign to succeed Zuma.
LISTEN PROPERLY: Jacob Zuma with Lakela Kaunda, chief operations officer in the Presidency and one of his most trusted advisers POWER BEHIND THE THRONE: Atul Gupta, one of the politically powerful Gupta brothers, at the launch of the New Age five years ago FOLLOW THE SCRIPT: Filmmaker Duma Ka Ndlovu, producer of the soapie ‘Muvhango’, says he is working on a documentary involving Jacob Zuma
Women’s league president She is a quiet operator who engineered the surprise nomination of Zuma as the ANC Women’s League’s candidate to replace Mbeki ahead of the 2007 Polokwane conference. This was so unexpected that even the then women’s league president, Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula — who was a staunch Mbeki supporter at the time — could not hide her disappointment.
As women’s league’s president, Dlamini has made it known that she wants a woman (read Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma) to be the next president of the ANC.
She has not been afraid to publicly take on ANC secretarygeneral Gwede Mantashe over the matter.
She is also the reason a bungling minister like Faith Muthambi remains at the head of the communications portfolio.
She convinced Zuma that anti-Muthambi sentiment within the ANC was nothing more than a gender battle spearheaded by men who wanted the minister removed.
Filmmaker His relationship with Zuma baffles even those closest to the president. Ka Ndlovu’s explanation as to why they are so close is that he is working on a “documentary” that involves Zuma.
Ka Ndlovu is one of the unofficial advisers who the president regularly consults. Their meetings at an apartment in Durban’s North Beach are common knowledge within KwaZulu-Natal political circles.
Ka Ndlovu was behind the appointment of the then relatively unknown Thuli Madonsela as public protector. The surprise appointment of Riah Phiyega as national police commissioner was another of his recommendations.
It is also understood that he backed the appointment of Vincent Magwenya, who has since gone into the private sector, as presidential spokesman. Cabinet ministers fear her because she has claimed the scalps of those who dared to take her on. She is not shy about flaunting her close relationship with Zuma as a way of threatening opponents.
When a minister gets in her way — as former finance minister Nhlanhla Nene recently did, to his cost — she promptly seeks intervention from Zuma.
Home Affairs Minister Malusi Gigaba believes he was moved from public enterprises because of her. While Lynne Brown remains public enterprises minister, SAA was removed from her department when she took on Myeni over the axing of former SAA CEO Monwabisi Kalawe.
Myeni is also the chair of the Jacob G Zuma Foundation.
But Zuma is ready to dump her, because his political survival partly depends on it. She will not be reappointed to her position at SAA when her contract expires at the end of this month.
Business tycoon He is a proud Zuma benefactor who is not modest about his benevolence towards the president and his extended family. He also uses his proximity to Zuma to gain leverage in the business world. He is now much closer to the president’s wife Thobeka Madiba, and regularly appears with her at charity events. Unlike most others who have influence with Zuma, the Guptas are quite forceful about their power over the president.
They do not hesitate to summon ministers to their Saxonwold compound and give them orders.
Directors-general are not spared either, and any who refuse to toe the line are ordered by the highest office to indulge the wealthy family.
The Guptas have extended their power and influence beyond Zuma and seem to have captured many cabinet ministers and other ANC politicians through dishing out patronage.
Even the powerful “premier league” is not immune to Gupta machinations — Magashule has allowed the family to launch a number of questionable business projects in the Free State.
Magashule’s son — like Zuma’s son Duduzane — is a business partner of the Guptas.
Politicians often tell anecdotes of how Zuma is “paraded” at Gupta family events as the influential family seek to demonstrate to their guests how much power they wield.