The premier snub that turned a province against a president
Feud between Zuma and Gauteng ANC leader Paul Mashatile helps to explain powerhouse’s bold stand, writes
THOSE who worked at Luthuli House at the time tell the story of how President Jacob Zuma, soon after he took office in 2009, rejected Gauteng chairman Paul Mashatile when he was put forward as a candidate for provincial premier.
Mashatile’s name, and that of his deputy at the time, Nomvula Mokonyane, were two of the three submitted by the province in terms of the ANC’s policy for the selection of premiers.
Although Mashatile was the province’s preferred choice, Luthuli House opted for Mokonyane, who was housing MEC at the time.
In describing how Zuma rejected Mashatile, insiders quote Zuma as having told top party leaders: “Ngizwe ngani ukuthi lomuntu yisela. [You are the ones who told me this man is a thief.]”
Mashatile was given the junior post of deputy minister of arts and culture when Zuma later announced his cabinet. He was promoted to minister the following year.
But, to Mashatile and his backers, being appointed arts and culture minister reduced him to being nothing more than the MC at government events.
Mashatile had tasted the power that comes with being premier of South Africa’s economic hub when he acted in the position following the resignation of Mbhazima Shilowa, who left the ANC t form COPE.
Shilowa had handed over the chairmanship of the ANC in the province to Mashatile in 2007, in the expectation that Mashatile would take over the premiership. But then came Zuma. He had good reason to snub Mashatile at the time.
Mashatile was linked to the so-called Alex mafia — a group of businessmen and politicians who grew up in Alexandra township and were accused of milking the Gauteng government by allegedly awarding lucrative contracts to each other.
As Gauteng MEC for finance and economic development, Mashatile was in control of the provincial purse. His department centralised the procurement of government services through the Gauteng Shared Service Centre, which was run by members of the alleged “mafia”.
His department also controlled a number of state entities whose responsibility was to stimulate economic growth by funding major infrastructure projects.
His opponents feared that if Mashatile became premier, the “mafia” would consolidate its power and be able to “eat alone” without hindrance.
And it was still fresh in many minds, possibly including Zuma’s, that Mashatile had allegedly used a government credit card to pay for a dinner that cost nearly R100 000 at an upmarket Sandton restaurant.
This caused an outcry from the opposition benches and his office sought to explain that there was “nothing sinister” about the dinner because it had been related to Mashatile’s government responsibilities.
What Zuma probably remembered was that Mashatile did not support his election as head of the ANC and president of South Africa in 2007. Gauteng backed the so-called third way, supporting Tokyo Sexwale instead.
At the closing of the Polokwane conference, Zuma gave a speech in which he promised unity, so the Gauteng ANC leadership could not have expected that Mashatile’s record of opposing the new president would come back to haunt him two years later.
But Zuma apparently quickly forgot that Polokwane “unity” speech to the ANC conference.
Those close to Mashatile say he was deeply hurt by Zuma’s decision to overlook him for the premiership. They say he has never forgiven the president for the snub.
So it was not surprising that Mashatile did not back Zuma’s re-election at the ruling party’s elective congress in 2012.
And few were taken aback when the province called for Zuma’s resignation at its extended provincial executive committee meeting on Monday.
Apart from any personal animosity, Mashatile has a mountain of other reasons to want Zuma out.
Zuma’s presidency has been disastrous. His scandals keep piling up like a Gauteng driver’s e-toll bill, and it seems the end is not yet near.
Public confidence in him is at an all-time low. Common sense would seem to indicate that any party that was serious about winning elections would not want to have such a compromised leader as the face of its campaign.
The Gauteng ANC is on the ropes because of Zuma’s continued leadership, coupled with the implementation of the much hated e-tolls.
The ANC is at risk of losing the three big metros in Gauteng — Tshwane, Ekurhuleni and Johannesburg — as surveys show urban black voters are disillusioned with Zuma’s leadership.
The decision by the Gauteng ANC to publicly urge Zuma to “do the right thing” following the Constitutional Court’s damning Nkandla verdict would seem to have been the only sensible option.
But not everyone in the ANC sees it like that. Gauteng is so far the only province that has broken ranks with other party structures.
KwaZulu-Natal, the Eastern Cape, the Free State, Mpumalanga and North West have thrown their weight behind Zuma.
Given the dynamics of the ANC, any party leader who had the support of those five provinces alone would be assured of winning a party election.
Whether the stand taken by Mashatile’s province emboldens other party structures not controlled by Zuma backers remains to be seen.
Zuma probably remembered that Mashatile did not support his election