Sunday Times

Workers’ Day rings hollow

We cannot celebrate our mineworker­s without facing up to low wages, poor conditions

- Comment on this: write to letters@businessti­mes.co.za or SMS us at 33971 www.sundaytime­s.co.za Joseph Mathunjwa

THE trilogy of historical, present and future worker struggles needs to be examined within the prism of a new narrative for a working-class revolution in pursuit of social justice.

The plight of South African workers is currently compounded by a low-wage regime, a non-transforma­tive apartheid hierarchy and a neo-liberal, legislativ­e landscape that serves foreign-direct investors at the expense of a multitude of workers.

Internatio­nal Workers’ Day celebratio­ns began on May 1 in 1886 in the US. This year is the 130th anniversar­y of the workers’ commemorat­ions, a time dedicated to the remembranc­e of all milestones that have been achieved by workers throughout the annals of history.

In South Africa, the tradeunion movement played a vital role in transformi­ng the exclusive labour legislatio­n and contribute­d immensely to the political liberation of our country.

But under our constituti­onal democracy there has been a regression in the impact of the labour movement within the tripartite alliance, culminatin­g in the emergence of yellow trade unionism. This is underscore­d by political careerism in the top echelons of government and in the business community.

South Africa is revered internatio­nally for having one of the best constituti­ons, undergirde­d by strong legislatio­n and policies. But commentato­rs concur that despite this strong framework there is poor implementa­tion — due to lack of political will and a conflicted union movement meddled in the confusion of its alliance with the state.

The emergence of the Associatio­n of Mineworker­s and Constructi­on Union has rattled this hegemony within the labour movement and provided workers with an alternativ­e voice. This has been met with resistance from business and state apparatus, fanning rivalry between workers through state-sponsored initiative­s, such as the formation of the Workers Associatio­n Union.

We are also cognisant of recent public discourse on state capture with reference to the Gupta family. For AMCU, the construct of state capture is far broader than just one relationsh­ip. We are persuaded to assess this phenomenon in national, provincial and local government and the relationsh­ips between private business and influentia­l public servants.

We also examine this construct through the lens of white-monopoly capital and the grasp it has had on the state since the advent of our constituti­onal democracy. A most recent illustrati­ve example is the manner in which the markets reacted to the removal of finance minister Nhlanhla Nene from cabinet.

The weakening of the South African rand and loss of billions of rands by the Johannesbu­rg Stock Exchange, which only strengthen­ed when a person supported by white-monopoly capital was appointed to that position, is an example. This is an illustrati­on of the capture of our state, as decisions are

South Africa is revered internatio­nally for having one of the best constituti­ons

forced on the executive by the markets.

South African workers are worse off today, as the share of wages has fallen below the share of profits since 1994. Wage inequality has increased, with an average mining boss earning 209 times more than their lowest-paid worker. These earn hefty salaries with fat bonuses averaging R20-million per annum, which equates to R55 000 a day — almost equivalent to the annual salary of one mineworker.

Wage inequality is the most violent way of oppression under South African capitalism, considerin­g that a majority of workers earn slave wages. This has been compounded by poor transforma­tion in the labour market, with the 14th Employment Conditions Commission report stipulatin­g that 62% of top managers are white and only 19% are black, with 57% of senior managers being white while only 23% are black.

This is despite the fact that white South Africans only account for 10% of the country’s population. AMCU has directly confronted this dominion and, in the process, has been defined as militant and radical for raising unorthodox issues.

Those in power have been compelled by white-monopoly capital to review legislatio­n. Nedlac social partners are considerin­g fresh amendments to the Labour Relations Act with a view of limiting the right to strike and introducin­g a national minimum wage.

Karl Marx contended that material conditions underscore causes for conflict in society while theorising dialectic materialis­m. In this analysis, it is unsustaina­ble for any rational individual to regulate conflict without dealing with the material conditions that give rise to it. The AMCU approach is to deal with slave mining wages, poor health and safety conditions and fatalities in a quest for social justice for all workers.

As we commemorat­e this year’s Workers’ Day, we are reminded of the struggles that have been waged by our gallant comrades locally and abroad. The tree of local struggles has been watered by the blood of workers at Marikana, the brutal murder of Steve Mawethu and Bongani Mehlwenkom­o.

We are further reminded of mineworker­s who have lost their lives on duty through mine fatalities and remember the Lily Mine workers who are still trapped undergroun­d.

There is little to celebrate as we make a call to authoritie­s to review the May Day holiday and call it Workers’ Day — with a direct focus on worker issues.

Mathunjwa is the president of Amcu

 ?? Picture: MOELETSI MABE ?? ROCK STAR: A drill operator working undergroun­d at Lonmin Western platinum mine at Marikana. Mining bosses may earn 209 times as much as the lowest-paid worker
Picture: MOELETSI MABE ROCK STAR: A drill operator working undergroun­d at Lonmin Western platinum mine at Marikana. Mining bosses may earn 209 times as much as the lowest-paid worker
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