The end of a legacy project that never was

EVERY president is keen on a legacy project. Some will be more grandiose than others, such as putting the first man on the moon, something that US president John F Kennedy can lay claim to.

Maybe it’s just vanity, but I suppose presidents also want historians to look back on their tenure and point to either an event or an infrastructure project that was a direct result of their rule.

On my first and unfortunately only trip to Nigeria about a decade ago, I was constantly reminded by whoever was my guide on the day of the one good thing about General Ibrahim Babangida’s eight-year military rule — the longest bridge in Africa(11.8km), which linked Lagos Island to the mainland. That record was beaten by Egypt’s 6th October Bridge in Cairo, more than 20km long .

For most of Jacob Zuma’s presidency of nearly 10 years, many in his inner circle have spoken of the delivery of a fleet of nuclear power stations and by extension a long-term solution to South Africa’s energy situation as his ultimate legacy.

It’s something that he has driven in earnest in his second term. Reading through his state of the nation addresses in his first, it appears the expansion of the country’s nuclear fleet wasn’t much of a priority.

On the contrary, his early addresses contain boasts of the country’s drive towards a renewable energy future.

That was until his 2014 address to the nation, the first in which the president shared in greater detail the importance of nuclear technology.

To achieve energy security in which nuclear and shale gas were central, Zuma said stateowned companies such as Eskom and the South African Nuclear Energy Corporation needed to adapt to “redefined roles to achieve these objectives”.

“Work needs to be done at a technical level on all forms of energy, especially nuclear energy and shale gas with regard to funding.”

Ever since, and no doubt with increased pressure from Russia — which has long expressed its desire to play a leading role in our nuclear future — the pursuit of an ambitious nuclear fleet has been at the top of his agenda.

This pursuit turned desperate about two Decembers ago, and there have been many casualties — four energy ministers and, at last count, five finance ministers.

The meddling, even though it is a presidential prerogative, has served only to heighten political uncertainty, which has diminished confidence in the country.

Perhaps it’s a classic case of a second-term presidency leaving the incumbent with no qualms about upsetting just about everybody in what has emerged clearly as a personal pursuit.

He no longer needs to appeal to his core constituents. In his mind, he is free to ignore them even more than he did before because winning re-election is

Expansion of the nuclear fleet wasn’t much of a priority in his first term

no longer a priority.

But as he now enters the winter of his tenure, the courts this week delivered a body blow to his plans.

They’ve basically ensured that if there is to ever be an expansion of the country’s nuclear fleet, in all likelihood it won’t happen during the years he has left at the helm.

Should a build ever be commissioned, Zuma’s signature won’t be needed.

Is this a legacy — to whatever ends, personal or not — that was worth pursuing? That’s a question the president will have to consider. Historians will not be kind in delivering a final verdict on the Zuma years.

More than Nkandla and the many scandals that have muddied his presidency, this has been the undoing of it.