A spectacular lack of talent in the ANC cupboard has left SA in the hands of incompetents

The inexorable deterioration in the country seems to be caused primarily by the promotion of people of poor quality into senior government positions — a subject that seems not to be receiving adequate attention.

Nothing illustrates this spectacular lack of talent in the governing party more than Panyaza Lesufi’s election this month as Gauteng premier.

The province is the country’s economic powerhouse, making up a third of the country’s GDP. It holds the fate of the country in its palm. Where Gauteng goes, South Africa goes. Being Gauteng’s head honcho is — or should be — the second-most important responsibility after the presidency. Choosing the incumbent should not be left in the hands of a few self-serving thickos from the branches.

It is, however, no surprise that they chose Lesufi. They’re often easily impressed by gasbags. Lesufi made a name for himself as ageless Angie Motshekga’s vacuous spokesperson. So, talk may be cheap but it has its rewards. Lesufi has a cloud of scandal hanging over his head but it didn’t seem to be a bother. Not that the good electors had much choice. Lesufi’s rival for the job of chair was Lebogang Maile, a man who would make voters feel terribly insulted if he were to stand for the village council. Lesufi takes over from David Makhura, another man of straw.

But the lack of expertise or competence is not confined to the provinces or other lower tiers of government. It spreads across the public service and it shows. Just about everything that is the responsibility of this government — safety and security, health, education, infrastructure and service delivery — has gone to the wall. The only thing they seem to do well is steal.

But it hasn’t always been like this. Nelson

Mandela’s cabinet was streets ahead of Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet table. It’s like comparing giants to dwarfs. One would have said the current lot would have learnt from successive cabinets, but instead the dregs seem to have simply risen to the top.

The country would have made great strides had subsequent administrations been able to build on that legacy.

The government of national unity after the 1994 elections was not only to smooth the transition but also to help with the transfer of expertise from those with experience of running government — however flawed or imperfect — to the new blood whose experience was in the streets and in the bush. Mandela liked to say, to the chagrin of his supporters, that the ANC had come out of the bush to run an advanced economy. He was trying to lower expectations; or priming the public to appreciate the context within which mistakes were likely to be made by his government.

His first finance minister was Derek Keys, a holdover from the National Party government. And when FW de Klerk resigned in a huff from the government, taking his members with him, Mandela still chose not to appoint Keys’ replacement from his own party. He picked Chris Liebenberg, a banker. Mandela moved with caution, but those who came after him have, in their haste, ruined the family silver. It was only after Liebenberg’s resignation that

Mandela turned to Trevor Manuel. It proved an inspired choice.

Manuel held the job for 13 years under three presidents, during which the country experienced unprecedented economic growth. His budget speech was always an occasion to look forward to. Those on the left were shocked when the currency suddenly tanked when Manuel resigned after Mbeki’s defeat in Polokwane. He was quickly recalled by the people who were his harshest critics. But it now speaks to the general degeneration in the country that Enoch Godongwana, who left the Eastern Cape government under a cloud, is now the man in charge of the national purse.

Not everything can be laid at Zuma’s door. The rot preceded his election. The party’s cadre deployment policy has made many comrades rich beyond their wildest dreams but has bankrupted the country. In the name of transformation, a few individuals who have no clue how government functions decide which cushy job should go to which favoured comrade. No wonder the state has failed hopelessly. It’s been turned into a lucrative nest egg for the party instead.

Because of the failure of the state to provide essential services, there’s a clamour in ruling circles for a change in government policy — more radical policies to address poverty, unemployment, landlessness and so on. But it’s not the policies at fault. It is the inadequacies of the people elected or appointed to implement them. It’s not so much the policies, but people who’ve failed the country.

The fear of the possible implementation of these extreme policies has driven people to cling to Ramaphosa in spite of his many weaknesses. “If not Cyril, who else?” is often the refrain from those who can’t see beyond the multimillionaire. But he’s the leader of the mob. The problem for the country is that he can’t control it. He can’t lead, has no backbone.

This deterioration has not only been an encouragement to the incompetents — Stella NdabeniAbrahams says she’s deputy president material — it has deterred those with talent from making themselves available. The cupboard is therefore bare, because only those bent on enriching themselves are eager to serve.