The time is now: Msholozi’s second coming
The emergence of the Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) Party aligns seamlessly with the years of corrupt and feeble leadership under the ANC and with the internal divisions within it and its alliance partners. The ruling party’s neglect of ideological coherence, revolutionary continuity and political education for its members has laid the groundwork for its self-destructive trajectory.
For those rooted in the authentic history of the African liberation struggle, the debates in
President Cyril Ramaphosa’s “Thuma Mina” camp on the legitimacy of former president Jacob Zuma’s (aka Msholozi’s) use of the name MK are anything but surprising.
The challenges confronting the ANC, such as the lack of discipline among its current leadership, a swift decline in public support and the selfenrichment behaviour of certain leaders, are more troubling than the use of the MK name.
These leaders, and those from the SACP and Cosatu with similar reservations, do not share Msholozi’s profound connection with MK.
Since the assassination of Chris Hani in April 1993, these leaders have shown minimal interest in the wellbeing of MK. Instead, their engagement has been superficial, primarily aimed at dividing and asserting control over its structures and drawing a select few members into corrupt business efforts.
Under Ramaphosa’s leadership, the ANC has witnessed a swift erosion of its support base. Various structures, including the women’s league, youth league, MK Veterans Association, MK
Council and veterans league, were systematically corrupted and have subsequently collapsed.
Despite the crucial role these structures had played, Ramaphosa made no attempt to sustain them. Instead, he vigorously advocated their closure, citing a lack of funds.
Due to their historical leftist leanings and socialist ideological views, these structures were intentionally discouraged, sabotaged and dismantled. This was done to address and placate concerns from white monopoly capital (WMC).
Concerned by recent developments in the country and dwindling support for his presidency, Ramaphosa has hastily revived these structures to aid him in his efforts to retain power and fulfil his commitments to his white-capital backers.
The Thuma Mina camp contends that by aligning with another political party, Zuma has effectively expelled himself from the ANC. This argument overlooks Msholozi’s clear intention, as an ANC liberation struggle veteran, not to abandon the ANC to corrupt comrades and their white puppet masters.
There is widespread belief that under the current administration, the ANC has reached an all-time low. Not long ago, the ANC failed to pay staff salaries and laid off several employees. Recently, the high court issued a judgment against the ANC for its failure to pay its debts to an events management company, Ezulweni Investments, amounting to R105m. The sheriff arrived at ANC headquarters in Johannesburg to seize assets. Further embarrassment was averted only when a group of mysterious businessmen intervened.
The ANC’s argument on the use of the MK name appears to be a diversionary tactic. With the politically discredited Fikile Mbalula leading the charge, the party has resorted to meaningless semantics. This strategy seems designed to spread confusion and deflect attention from the significant threat posed by the MK Party, which is further eroding the ANC’s already diminishing support base.
Against the backdrop of Ramaphosa’s systematic neglect of crucial ANC national conference resolutions, years of a self-serving association with WMC figures and his implication in economic crimes, the party he leads has sunk into decay. The ANC, along with Cosatu and the SACP, is openly and shamelessly led by individuals branded as traitors, self-serving
turncoats and agents of white capital.
To the economically marginalised majority of native Africans, Zuma embodies hope — an emotion they no longer associate with the ANC. As one of the senior veterans of the liberation struggle, Zuma, now the face of MK, symbolises the trust that the subjugated native African majority once vested in the ANC.
In contrast to Ramaphosa, Zuma does not depend on financial aid and endorsement from racist corporate entities in white South Africa to regain the support and trust of the people.
This was evident in the substantial support during his recent roadshow across every province he visited. Coupled with his charisma and ease in connecting with the common people — speaking the language of the African majority without any shame about his Africanness — Zuma emerges as the clear choice for president among the people. This is a quality not evident in Ramaphosa, who has shown a propensity to align with the language of white mine bosses and captains of industry.
The meteoric ascent of the MK Party, spearheaded by Zuma, has unsettled elite gatekeepers within and beyond the ANC. This includes self-serving leaders of Chapter 9 institutions, NGOs and foundations whose primary agenda revolves around undermining and discrediting authentic native African perspectives.
Support for the MK Party has also disrupted the neoliberal multiparty charter project. At its core, it aims to oust the ANC while retaining Ramaphosa as the country’s president or replacing him with DA leader John Steenhuisen. Another objective is to undermine a possible ANC-EFF coalition.
It is not unprecedented for a former president to re-enter the political arena, especially when current state leaders are perceived as corrupt and oblivious to the plight of the dispossessed majority, necessitating their removal. Zuma pledges to do precisely that, beginning with Ramaphosa and his associates, and it appears the public agrees.
For the perpetually marginalised majority of native Africans, the debate over whether Msholozi has the right to use the name MK is of little consequence. Their primary concern is the empty rhetoric of current ANC leaders, the party’s reluctance to acknowledge and combat corruption within its ranks and the resulting deepening of poverty among the majority, which contrasts with the opulent lifestyles of elite members of the Ramaphosa administration.
The emergence of the MK Party injects a renewed resonance into South African politics. Zuma, as a distinguished veteran of the struggle, embodies a connection to the aspirations of the marginalised majority. Use of the MK name is not merely a legal matter; it encapsulates the rightful claim of those who have long fought for freedom.
A luta continua!