ANC could take lessons in governance from Mangope
Bophuthatswana was characterised by strict adherence to the rule of law, with zero tolerance for corruption, nepotism, tribalism and favouritism, writes
IThere was no nepotism in hiring, promotions or financing. And cadre deployment and tender kickbacks were unheard of. Ministers lived among the people in townships and villages
f truth be told, Bophuthatswana was more progressive than this ANC. Having grown up in Hammanskraal, and having later established a successful business in Ga-Rankuwa and Mabopane, I can confirm that the neoliberal governance and economic management model of Bophuthatswana was appropriate for its time — and would still be today.
I am not going to dwell on the politics of race, apartheid and independence. That’s for another day. This article looks into the management of the economy — including industrialisation strategy, employment, education, and social services delivery — under Chief Lucas Mangope for the 17 years from 1977 to 1994.
Mangope and his fellow leaders were old-style African nationalists who, as chiefs, were raised on the values of servanthood, firm leadership and clan culture. Many of them were teachers, devout Christians and conservative traditionalists. Their concept of society was a hierarchical and communalist one, where the collective interest trumped the individual’s selfish ambitions. Motho ke motho ka batho ba bangwe (one enjoys being human by the help of other humans — or, put differently, one cannot be human when fellow humans don’t achieve the best they can be). In its nonracialism and view of humanity as a unit/clan/family, this worldview transcended the Black Consciousness philosophy of the time.
This value system was the bedrock of the political, cultural and economic model of the homeland. The administration was characterised by strict adherence to the rule of law, and there was zero tolerance for corruption, nepotism, tribalism and favouritism. The public service was known for its fair recruitment practices, the absence of xenophobia, and its active recruitment of expatriate skills for agriculture, health care, rural development, finance, broadcasting and education.
The economic strategy rested on important structural reforms (which the Left derisively calls neoliberal policies), such as first-class nonracial education focused on excellence in maths and science, maintaining peaceful labour relations, affordable wage labour, special processing zones (the Babelegi, Ga-Rankuwa, Mogwase and Thaba Nchu industrial sites), subsidised public transport and foreign direct investment.
South Korea, Singapore, China and now India adopted the same reforms and, with firm visionary leadership, are reaping the fruits of their labours. The secret is that a wealthy country is built on the sacrifices of one or more generations inspired by honest leaders to forgo instant gratification so future generations can have a better quality of life.
Bophuthatswana citizens were inspired by Mangope to dig deep into their meagre savings and contribute to the establishment of the University of Bophuthatswana. The first students had no qualms about learning in mobile prefabricated units.
Public servants enrolled in large numbers and attended classes in the evenings and on Saturdays. The university produced many well-known professionals, administrators and captains of industry who have since been instrumental in transforming and developing South Africa.
As the foundation of a future competitive economy, basic education was given priority. Teacher and student unionism was forbidden, as was the growing practice in South Africa outside Bophuthatswana of public servants being active in party politics. Politics should have no role in the classroom or teacher recruitment. While some form of democratic engagement between teachers, pupils and management is desirable in a democratic dispensation, limits are necessary.
In Bophuthatswana, undesirable phenomena such as uniformed schoolchildren loitering in the streets during school hours; substance abuse by pupils; absenteeism of teachers or pupils; vandalism of school property; children striking; teachers downing chalk; and pupils falling pregnant were all nipped in the bud. A high failure rate was a scandal. Today, our education system is in crisis. About 85% of black children aged between 15 and 24 are either unemployed or not receiving education and training. The dropout rate in basic education is 40%.
The meagre fiscal transfers from Pretoria to Mmabatho were not wasted on grandiose selfpromotional events or buildings, as was commonplace in authoritarian regimes such as Idi
Amin’s Uganda, Jean-Bédel Bokassa’s Central African Republic, Omar Bongo’s Gabon or Joseph Mobutu’s Zaire. The resources were used for critical infrastructure in new townships and fixed capital formation, which is the firm foundation for economic development.
Government officials and ministers did not push their children into high office. There was no nepotism in hiring, promotions or financing. And cadre deployment and tender kickbacks were unheard of. Ministers lived among the people in townships and villages.
Development finance institutions in agriculture and small business development were established to provide mentoring, extension services, subsidised manufacturing hubs, and emergency relief. Taung Agricultural College produced young farmers while supporting barley production at the local irrigation scheme. Agroprocessing experts were recruited from Sri Lanka, Israel, Tanzania, Lesotho, the UK, Taiwan and Zimbabwe. Pilot projects in rice (Dinokana), citrus (Winterveld) and meat production (Moretele) in deep rural areas were introduced.
The mixed economy — with public ownership of certain enterprises, especially the so-called commanding heights of the economy — was a distinguishing characteristic of the Mangope approach. The government had shares, through
public servants’ pension funds, in Standard Bank, the Sun City complex, and Pilanesberg game park. These funds also went into co-investment arrangements to establish factories, malls and petrol stations. This arrangement was ultimately replicated in the pension fund investments in mining, malls, apparel, oil and telecom in South Africa today.
However, the Public Investment Corporation under the ANC is mired in controversy, and public servants’ savings are at risk.
Bophuthatswana’s governance model was rooted in old-style African patriarchy, humility, modesty, discipline, clan culture and collective benefit. We have lost most of these values in the rush towards an undefined democratic dispensation, the mindless pursuit of riches, the rejection of tradition, and the lack of respect for the community.
Had we known then what we know now, we would have insisted during the restructuring of government in North West and elsewhere that efforts be made to preserve what was good and progressive in the traditionalist governance model of Bophuthatswana.
We need to reclaim the capacity for a shared vision of society, human solidarity, respect for each other, and nonracialism.