Sunday Times

Facing an adversary who knows the endgame

- By FM LUCKY MATHEBULA ✼ Mathebula is founder and CEO of the Tshwane-based Thinc Foundation. He is a public policy resource expert specialisi­ng in intergover­nmental relations and public administra­tion

● The ANC’s response to the formation of the MK Party has played into the hands of its most threatenin­g adversary since 1994.

Efforts to counter support for the MK Party have focused on attacking Jacob Zuma’s reputation and silencing criticism of the governing party.

The ANC’s electionee­ring juggernaut was unleashed to show its public support in the Mbombela Stadium and the process will be repeated in the Moses Mabhida and FNB stadiums. But these strategies need to respond to the reason the MK Party was formed, and why it is becoming attractive to disillusio­ned ANC activists.

The governing party’s attacks on Zuma, using allegation­s that it defended him in the past, make it look desperate. In Mbhazima Shilowa’s parlance, complainin­g — when you have been warned — of being bitten by a wild dog you reared as a puppy makes you a clown. This also raises the question of the innocence of other ANC leaders now being defended by the party against allegation­s of wrongdoing.

What the ANC should have noticed is that on media platforms bad news about Zuma has been so overdone that what he says as a victim of the onslaught commands the attention of those living with discontent about service delivery. The propaganda advantages in attacking Zuma are growing slimmer as he has been able to weaponise them against his adversarie­s. Having been in the ANC national executive committee (NEC) for a long time, his ability to read and know the endgame of whatever strategy they unleash on him cannot be underestim­ated.

Facing the ANC, to a Zuma-led MK Party, will be more about working on what it knows are its weaknesses. The more propaganda is unleashed about Zuma, the more his chosen party’s ratings as an alternativ­e grow. His choices of independen­t African churches and the institutio­n of traditiona­l leadership as his core platforms of mobilisati­on have hit the sore spot of a secular state among churches and of land dispossess­ion and national grievances among traditiona­l leaders.

Calling for a review of the judicial, legislativ­e and executive authority of traditiona­l leadership institutio­ns will encourage the call to review the entire constituti­onal order. This may be a masterstro­ke.

Perhaps the most bitterly humiliatin­g weapons the MK Party has yet to take advantage of are the ANC’s failures involving load-shedding, the underrepor­ted water crisis, poor service delivery, declining public infrastruc­ture and changing the templates of economic dominance by monopoly capital.

The challenge the governing party faces is getting out of the corner it has painted itself into on radical economic transforma­tion issues, especially land. The best way for the ANC to regain its liberation movement credential­s and the moral high ground among its furious majority constituen­cy is by moderating its uncompromi­sing march into a neoliberal future without first consolidat­ing its developmen­tal state fundamenta­ls.

Its manifesto should respond to the demands of its now contested constituen­cy, the African majority. Closest to the ANC brand, having delivered the freedom that the liberation struggle was about, is the MK brand. The ANC’s focus on the MK Party and the decline in media focus on other parties attests to its disruptive potential.

The MK Party’s strategy was always based on how the ANC would respond to Zuma’s decision. His declaratio­n of “loyalty” to the ANC while voting against it was critical. This was, by design, supposed to start an internal debate about his reasons for doing so. The discussion­s would have opened the Phala Phala issue and potentiall­y triggered the step-aside rule for several of the ANC’s NEC members. Logic would have dictated a national general council or consultati­ve conference through which new permutatio­ns of the leadership function would have been devised.

The answer to the question of whether the MK Party has an advantage is, yes. ANC leaders in KwaZulu-Natal were provoked into a counterpro­ductive overreacti­on that sought to airbrush what they knew of Jacob Zuma. July 2021 demonstrat­ed a scary dimension of his provincial support. They fell into the trap of Zuma-bashing. The reality is that in KwaZulu-Natal and beyond the ANC is now faced with the IFP, the EFF generation and the MK Party.

The ANC prides itself on its ability to rise to any challenge. Its election juggernaut is still the most oiled, despite its growing inability to lure back discourage­d voters. The question is: what if those leaving are its core strategist­s?

 ?? Picture: Gallo Images/Fani Mahuntsi ?? Members of MK attend a rally at the White City Community Hall in Soweto.
Picture: Gallo Images/Fani Mahuntsi Members of MK attend a rally at the White City Community Hall in Soweto.

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