Sunday Times

The dangers of beating the drums of tribal chauvinism in KZN

- THAMI NGUBANE ✼ Ngubane is the former mayor of Umvoti local municipali­ty and a NEC member of the South African Local Government Associatio­n

Many political parties contesting state power in KwaZulu-Natal are resorting to an unhealthy and destructiv­e competitio­n, which answers the question “Who is the best representa­tive of Zulu ethno-nationalis­m”?

Some of them are advancing tribal politics in a subtle and skilful manner while others are openly and unashamedl­y running around spewing naked tribalism. Take the Abantu Batho Congress, whose leader is campaignin­g on a ticket of creating “an independen­t Zulu kingdom”.

The party has argued that Zulu-speaking people are suffering because they have to share the same space with other ethnic groups.

Over the past 30 years, the democratic dispensati­on has produced a knot of positive and negative outcomes when it comes to economic and non-economic issues.

Regardless of how we judge the ANC-led government’s performanc­e over this period, we must never allow anyone to beat the drums of tribal chauvinism.

Unemployme­nt, poverty and inequality cannot be resolved by Zulu nationalis­m.

Given the ongoing and desperate search for answers to the challenges facing the country, and specifical­ly KwaZulu-Natal, we are witnessing the resurrecti­on of Zulu ethno-nationalis­m as a school of thought as well as a rejection of the more inclusive brand of African nationalis­m that has been the backbone of the nation-building project for many years.

In 1912, in response to their exclusion from the process that led to the formation of the whites-only Union of South Africa, various African ethnic groups came to gather to form themselves into an African nation — a move that was to be the first step towards the creation of a nonracial SA.

The Union of South Africa was formed after the 1906 Peace of Vereenigin­g, which was agreed by the European communitie­s of British and Dutch heritage. The 1906 treaty stemmed from the 1899 Anglo-Boer War, which arose out of dispute between the British and the Boer republics over valuable mineral resources discovered in what is now SA in 1866 and 1867.

The period from 1912 to 1994 witnessed a growing conflict between the ideologies of the white nation thesis and the African nation antithesis.

Synthesis was achieved with the democratic breakthrou­gh in 1994. The strategic plan and systematic approach needed to achieve the paradigm envisioned in the constituti­on must now be determined.

We are collective­ly striving towards a society that promotes equality and eliminates racism and sexism as sources of national grievances.

In the new SA, all should blend together harmonious­ly, forming a nation that is rooted in a shared identity. This identity should be characteri­sed by unity in diversity as well as a common purpose and collective action.

We must, therefore, unequivoca­lly condemn the practice of dividing and categorisi­ng individual­s into different classes based on tribal chauvinism or a superiorit­y complex. This divisive behaviour deserves our utmost scorn and should be vehemently opposed.

With our country and Rwanda marking important 30-year milestones this year, we must learn valuable lessons from the Rwandan civil conflict that resulted in the 1994 genocide.

Rwanda should be regarded as a test case replete with empirical and experiment­al data that provides valuable lessons about the consequenc­es of dividing a unified nation based on tribal chauvinism.

Rwanda’s political elites, who belong to the economical­ly disadvanta­ged Hutu and Tutsi groups, garnered political backing by exploiting notions of ethnic superiorit­y. The brutality of this battle only intensifie­d. They had inadverten­tly trapped themselves in a relentless and destructiv­e cycle of struggle for power, with each group vying for dominance over the other, creating a thesis and antithesis dynamic.

Rwanda was completely devastated as a direct result of this zero-sum game. A synthesis was achieved only when individual­s from both factions were awakened to the truth and recognised they were being used by political elites in a power struggle known as “phumasinge­ne — it’s our time to eat”. The political elites exploited their tribal origins to portray themselves as victims and garner sympathy from their tribal community to secure resources for their own benefit.

The Hutus and the Tutsis eventually realised they were being manipulate­d by individual­s they had placed their trust in. They recognised and valued that they were mutually dependent on each other, and had to show respect for such dependenci­es. They realised that, while they had their own separate and unique tribal identities, there existed a shared and unifying element that bound them together. They regarded themselves as individual trees that made up the same forest. While maintainin­g their unique tree identities, they simultaneo­usly intentiona­lly embraced the “forest” essence to foster unity among themselves.

Peace and stability are essential prerequisi­tes for democracy. The combinatio­n of peace and stability, along with a democracy that upholds human rights and liberties, is an essential requiremen­t for the advancemen­t and growth of any nation. The political elite in Rwanda formerly used the concept of ethnic superiorit­y to gain political advantage.

In the coming election, residents of KwaZuluNat­al should refuse to support any political party that opportunis­tically promotes ethnic chauvinism or a narrow Zulu nationalis­m.

In their pursuit of political relevance, some political players in the province are adopting an outdated and discredite­d mindset that is completely disconnect­ed from the actual difficulti­es faced by SA.

Their perspectiv­e is inherently unreasonab­le and lacks historical context. Every Zulu-speaking South African who values his or her self-worth must unequivoca­lly reject this regressive demand with the appropriat­e disdain it merits.

We must ... unequivoca­lly condemn the practice of dividing and categorisi­ng individual­s into different classes based on tribal chauvinism or a superiorit­y complex

 ?? Picture: Sandile Ndlovu ?? The battle for political supremacy in KwaZulu-Natal has seen some parties beating the drum of tribalism. The Abantu Batho Congress, for example, has campaigned on the creation of an independen­t Zulu kingdom.
Picture: Sandile Ndlovu The battle for political supremacy in KwaZulu-Natal has seen some parties beating the drum of tribalism. The Abantu Batho Congress, for example, has campaigned on the creation of an independen­t Zulu kingdom.
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