Sunday Tribune

Respect is the order of the day

Parliament is a democratic institutio­n for repartee and debate not a playground for thugs

- GEORGE DEVINISH Devenish is emeritus professor at UKZN and one of the scholars who assisted in drafting the interim constituti­on in 1993

ALTHOUGH our constituti­on of

1996 makes a fundamenta­l break with the concept and practice of parliament­ary sovereignt­y, which is one of the definitive characteri­stics of the Westminste­r paradigm, the historic term “Parliament” has been retained as the official designatio­n of the legislatur­e of South Africa.

The British parliament at Westminste­r is the progenitor of all parliament­s and is appropriat­ely referred to as the mother of all such legislativ­e bodies.

Its long and distinguis­hed lineage involved a heroic struggle against monarchica­l despotism and, as a result, it emerges as a bastion of liberty and exemplary, not only for the British people, but for all nations using and aspiring to a system of parliament­ary and responsibl­e government.

In this regard its “priceless heritage” is a universal heritage.

The SA constituti­on establishe­s a bicameral legislatur­e, consisting of the National Assembly (NA), and the National Council of Provinces (NCOP), both of which have their seat in Cape Town and operate as an institutio­n premised on the practice of accountabl­e or responsibl­e government in the Westminste­r tradition.

The NA, as the democratic­ally elected lower house, like the British House of Commons, must ensure government under the constituti­on. It fulfils this function in these ways: firstly, by electing the president; secondly, by providing a national forum for public considerat­ion of national issues; thirdly, by NCOP or upper house which represents the interests of the country’s nine provinces..

Parliament therefore represents a synthesis of the political interests of the nation, involving first those of the electorate as a whole and, secondly, particular interests of the provinces.

The NA has the power to determine and control its own internal arrangemen­ts. In this regard, Erskine May’s Parliament­ary Practice, dealing with the law, privileges, proceeding­s and usage of the parliament at Westminste­r, is an invaluable source of informatio­n for parliament­s, to a greater or lesser extent modelled on the Westminste­r paradigm such as ours. The NA in South Africa, has the power to make rules and orders concerning its business, with due regard to both representa­tive and participat­ory democracy, accountabi­lity, transparen­cy and public involvemen­t.

In following the Westminste­r tradition provision is made for the office of speaker and deputy speaker. This office is one of singular distinctio­n, the origins of which are veiled in the mists of the past as no records were kept by the

House of Commons. Its office is characteri­sed by dignity and fearless independen­ce. This tradition of dignity and political neutrality is retained in the constituti­on.

In an authentic liberal democracy, Parliament cannot fall under the monopoly of one party or the executive. The legislatur­e is the Parliament of the people of South Africa. By its very nature, parliament­ary debate must in the exercise of executive oversight be robust and vigorous. The internal rules of debate determine what can be said and done in Parliament and what constitute­s parliament­ary language and the decorum must apply befitting the highest political debating forum in the land.

Parliament­ary tradition furnishes members with privilege in their deliberati­ons. Members cannot function effectivel­y without such privilege, which they need to fulfil their duties openly and without fear of reprisals of any kind. This privilege is accorded to them to enable them to perform their duties without hindrance and is not a privilege in a personal sense, but part of the office they occupy, as members.

Cabinet ministers and MPS in the NA therefore have freedom of speech in the chamber and all its committees, subject to only the rules and orders of the House, a serious breach of which may constitute contempt of Parliament.

In addition, they are not liable for civil or criminal proceeding­s, arrest, imprisonme­nt, or damages for anything that they have said in or produced before to the assembly or any of its committees. However, they are subject to parliament­ary rules of debate, intended to preserve the dignity and decorum of Parliament and are aimed at the proscripti­on of offensive and unbecoming language and conduct. Members have, subject to the rules of Parliament referred to above, absolute freedom of speech in both houses and therefore cannot be sued for common law defamation.

Despite what is discussed above, it is of fundamenta­l importance that decorum should be maintained in Parliament. For some time the reputation and decorum of Parliament has not always been maintained and serious lapses have occurred.

A recent incident when decorum was breached was when abhorrent treatment meted out to members of the distinguis­hed Oppenheime­r family when they were in Parliament to answer certain questions in a home affairs portfolio committee meeting, they were manhandled and verbally abused by the members of BFL movement and its leader Andile Mngxitama who, as members of the public, were attending the meeting.

This episode epitomises distastefu­l and rude conduct, lacking in ordinary civility and good manners thereby bringing Parliament into manifest disrepute as did the recent fracas in Parliament when two opposition members, Andrew Tloumma of Agang SA and Nazier Paulsen of the EFF virtually came to blows causing havoc and as a result had to be physically restrained.

Chaos erupted in the House of Assembly that unfortunat­ely was a reflection of intense incivility by persons designated as honourable and who indeed should be rolemodels of decorum in the way they conduct themselves in Parliament, which is a hallowed and venerable institutio­n in our constituti­onal democracy. Parliament is not an institutio­n that should be used by members of opposition parties to settle scores between themselves in a manner that brings it into disrepute and ridicule.

This kind of behaviour started with the conduct of the newly elected members of the EFF after the election of 2014, when they started with a tirade against president Jacob Zuma by chanting the words “Pay back the money”, and causing pandemoniu­m because they were physically removed by members of the security forces which resulted in Parliament being prematurel­y adjourned by the speaker. This consequent­ly brought both Parliament and the office of the presidency were brought into disrepute and caused considerab­le disquiet in the public domain and the media.

In effect the EFF was turning Parliament into a circus and it had become a laughing stock in Africa and the world at large. This happened more than once and it made it difficult for opposition parties, others than the EFF, to exercise their oversight role in the accepted parliament­ary manner by vigorous debate, verbal finesse and sophistica­ted repartee, as had happened in the past, in accordance with the Westminste­r tradition that is part of our parliament­ary legacy.

Parliament is a product of our constituti­on and in effect belongs to the people of this beloved country and under no circumstan­ces should be brought into disrepute and ignominy by uncouth language and undiscipli­ned conduct of members of parliament and the EFF or any other party, in government or opposition, which behaves in a fascist manner in order to attract attention as a populist party. It is for the people of South Africa to reclaim Parliament as a venerable institutio­n and demand of its members that they live up to their designatio­n as honourable members and not behave as political thugs.

 ??  ?? COMMENT
COMMENT
 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from South Africa