Sunday Tribune

INADEQUATE ATTENTION ON TRADE IN PEOPLE

Southern Africa is ranked among top 10 traffickin­g destinatio­ns in the world

- PROFESSOR PHILIP FRANKEL

HUMAN traffickin­g is variously known as people traffickin­g, modern slavery or, more commonly to analysts, TIP (traffickin­g in persons) and it is an egregious “atrocity” on par with war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

This is because TIP involves the dehumanisa­tion and ultimate commodific­ation of men, women, children and even babies who are captured, bought or fraudulent­ly recruited for exploitati­ve labour or sexual purposes.

The number of “modern slaves” in the world is estimated to be in the region of 30 million to 40 million, about a third of whom, mainly women and children, are used and abused in commercial sex traffickin­g.

Less visible is the remainder which consists of men, women and children who are forced into often brutal and demanding work in mines, industry, informal small enterprise or the agricultur­al sector.

South Africans have generally given little attention to these human violations which are associated in the public mind with places such as Thailand, India or other “underdevel­oped” countries.

The incidence of human traffickin­g is nonetheles­s on the rise in South and southern Africa. So much so, that the sub-continent is now ranked in some studies among the top 10 traffickin­g destinatio­ns in the world.

Part of this has to do with the explosion of big-time organised crime in the region, some of which involves the proceeds of slavery.

There is also massive trans-frontier migration across our porous landward borders, especially the Limpopo River separating the Republic from Zimbabwe and points north on the continent. This has been the preferred route for more than 3.5 million undocument­ed migrants arriving in the Republic since the millennium.

Some of these vulnerable people cross surreptiti­ously at Beitbridge, the border post. The greater majority, however, either swim or wade through the Limpopo or walk into Mozambique and then turn left into the Republic.

It is a measure of their desperatio­n that they do so despite wild animals in Kruger National Park and the Limpopo riverbanks being infested with crocodiles and “magumaguma­s”. These are criminal gangs who capture and then sell on people to the taxi industry which services traffickin­g syndicates with nation-wide dispersal facilities in Johannesbu­rg, Polokwane and Rustenburg. The syndicates often consist of sub-contracted South Africans working for global high rollers originatin­g in Eastern Europe or West Africa.

A second route followed by undocument­ed immigrants destined for the mines is from Lesotho across the Maluti mountains and the Caledon River. This is largely organised by Chinese Triad gangs who sell labour from places as far afield as the Horn of Africa to the massively expanding illegal mining industry working the gold residues of the Free State and the gold and platinum reefs on the Johannesbu­rg-rustenburg axis.

We do not know with exactitude how many people are trafficked into South Africa – plus the cases where the country is used as a transit point for exporting mainly women into the sex markets of the Middle East or Western Europe.

Given our focus on trans-frontier traffickin­g we also lack even the remotest estimate of the substantia­l numbers of those falling prey to perpetrato­rs along the dangerous routes from rural poverty nodes to the urban areas.

Conservati­ve guesstimat­es range around 40 000 children, (excluding millions of adolescent­s entrapped by cultural convention­s governing agricultur­al labour in the countrysid­e): 70 000 women (not including substantia­l numbers in domestic servitude): and probably five times as many men engaged in forced labour backed up by document confiscati­on or debt bondage.

There is insufficie­nt political drive behind our central policy response to human traffickin­g ie the Prevention and Combating of Traffickin­g in Persons Act (or Pacotip) of 2013. This was initially discussed by the Law Reform Commission following South Africa’s adherence to the 2001 Palermo Convention on transnatio­nal crime but remains only partially operationa­lised 18 years later.

While a national counter-traffickin­g plan was devised following the promulgati­on of this one-and-only belated law governing TIP, most of its requisite institutio­ns are basically non-functional. Government has persistent­ly refused to put financial muscle behind the so-called cardinal “3Ps” which jointly and severally are considered the pillars of a coherent counter-traffickin­g strategy worldwide. These pertain to the prevention of traffickin­g, the prosecutio­n of perpetrato­rs and the protection of victims.

Of the various anti-traffickin­g structures prescribed for implementa­tion at provincial level, only two – in Kwazulu-natal and the Western Cape – can be said to be reasonably operationa­l. Key stakeholde­r government department­s, such as the Department of Social Developmen­t, Home Affairs and Justice and Constituti­onal Developmen­t have either failed to set in place the required administra­tive procedures or have done so without enthusiasm.

There are very few instances where convicted trafficker­s are given 25 years imprisonme­nt associated with TIP in most countries. Many, in fact, receive a tap on the wrist in the form of a short sentence, a fine or even release on their own recognisan­ces. Last year less than a dozen people were convicted under the Pacotip.

All of this speaks to the fundamenta­l corruption in law enforcemen­t at all levels.

Border police are often miscreant but there are few effective oversight mechanisms. Investigat­ions into their corruption seldom go anywhere.

Joint operations between the SAPS and the police forces of neighbouri­ng states aimed at intercepti­ng undocument­ed migrants generally fail because of poor intelligen­ce, corruption or double agendas on the part of participat­ing forces.

In its present dire state, SANDF reinforcem­ents on border patrol consists of mainly demoralise­d reservists.

Severing the links between law enforcemen­t and corruption is an elemental task on the way forward: this is a very tall order. Almost as tall is developing methods to accurately track TIP, especially labour traffickin­g which, despite its prevalence, remains the poor cousin of commercial sex and child traffickin­g.

There is also an urgent need to raise public awareness of the realities, especially among population­s most at risk, such as schoolchil­dren, undocument­ed migrants and young women on the transit routes from rural areas to the cities. Many of the latter aspiring to be models end up in brothels.

Improvemen­t in the numbers, staffing and security of our rehabilita­tion facilities for dealing with the complex trauma as a consequenc­e of victimhood would also be welcomed.

Frankel is in the Department of Social Science, St Augustine College of South Africa. He is also the author of the one and only book on human traffickin­g in South Africa titled Long Walk to Nowhere: Human Traffickin­g in Postmandel­a South Africa.

 ?? Reuters. ?? AN Ethiopian migrant shows torture wounds he received from trafficker­s as he waits to be repatriate­d at a transit centre in the western Yemeni town of Haradh, on the border with Saudi Arabia, in this 2012 file picture |
Reuters. AN Ethiopian migrant shows torture wounds he received from trafficker­s as he waits to be repatriate­d at a transit centre in the western Yemeni town of Haradh, on the border with Saudi Arabia, in this 2012 file picture |

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