Sunday Tribune

President’s Zondo appointmen­t ‘leaves a bitter taste’

- BHEKI MNGOMEZULU

THE appointmen­t of Acting Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo as Chief Justice raises pertinent questions. After many weeks of speculatio­n, President Cyril Ramaphosa appointed Justice Zondo as the successor to Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng. This decision took many by surprise, myself included.

Ramaphosa’s decision has triggered pertinent questions, including the following:

Did he violate the Constituti­on? Was his decision justifiabl­e?

Was Zondo the best candidate for this position?

Why was the emphatic recommenda­tion of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) ignored?

Did the appointmen­t have anything to do with what transpired during the Zondo Commission?

Was the appointmen­t meant to ensure Ramaphosa’s “soft landing” when he leaves office?

Will this appointmen­t ensure stability at the Constituti­onal Court?

This list is not exhaustive, but it forces us to ponder about the possible motivating factors behind the president’s decision.

Regarding the first question. The president did not violate the Constituti­on. Section 174(3) gives him the prerogativ­e to appoint the judiciary (including the Chief Justice). He does this after consulting the JSC and all political parties that are represente­d in Parliament. According to the statement released by the Presidency, this is what the president did. Therefore, there was no breach of the Constituti­on.

Be that as it may, Ramaphosa’s decision is hard to justify. From a political perspectiv­e and a commonsens­e point of view, the president’s decision leaves a bitter taste.

First, Justice Zondo did not emerge as the best candidate from the public interviews that were conducted by the JSC. Judge Mandisa Maya was confirmed as the best candidate.

This raises the question as to whether the president had already decided that Judge Zondo would be appointed regardless of the outcome of the interviews. If that was the case, why was it necessary to waste taxpayers’ money to allow the process to unfold?

While it is true that the president has the final say in the appointmen­t of the Chief Justice, such a decision must be informed by proper reasoning for it to be credible and justifiabl­e. Looking at this appointmen­t from a political angle, a few things do not add up. During the Commission on State Capture, which was presided over by Justice Zondo, many things went wrong.

The president was implicated by some witnesses and yet Justice Zondo did not afford him the opportunit­y to explain himself as he did to others.

Ramaphosa only appeared in his official position(s) before the commission, not in his personal capacity. It remains unclear as to why this was the case.

Now that the president has appointed Justice Zondo, this could be rightly or wrongly viewed as reciprocat­ion and insurance to guarantee Ramaphosa’s soft landing when he retires as the president.

Second, the manner in which the Zondo Commission handled the Jacob Zuma matter left a lot to be desired. When Zuma appeared before Justice Zondo, he was not treated like other witnesses. The interrogat­ion gave the impression that this was a court proceeding and not a commission. This resulted in Zuma asking Justice Zondo to recuse himself.

Interestin­gly, Justice Zondo became the player and the referee when he heard the matter and decided that he was not going to recuse himself.

In response, Zuma decided not to return to the commission under these circumstan­ces. Justice Zondo went to the Constituti­onal Court to lay a complaint, thereby making it impossible for Zuma to appeal.

Moreover, Justice Zondo asked the Constituti­onal Court to sentence Zuma for two years if found guilty. For anyone who is not a lawyer, this raised eyebrows. Intriguing­ly, the Constituti­onal Court judges entertaine­d Justice Zondo’s requests. When Justice Sisi Khampepe delivered her judgment, she ignored a fine or a suspended sentence and went to the extreme – ruling that Zuma should be incarcerat­ed for 15 months.

Consequent­ly, 350 people died, businesses were adversely affected, people lost jobs, the infrastruc­ture was destroyed in unrest as racial tensions polarised the country. Politics and law converged; the results were devastatin­g. I am not sure if Ramaphosa considered this would happen.

Another critical point is stability within the Constituti­onal Court. Justice Zondo is left with less than three years before he retires. Common sense dictates that someone with the prospect of remaining in this office for much longer would have been an ideal option.

Justice Zondo will be turning 62 in May. Judge Maya will be turning 58 today. It remains unclear if the president took these facts into account.

Against this backdrop, my view is that the president was constituti­onally correct in appointing Justice Zondo but erred in both the political and common-sense perspectiv­es.

He also missed a glorious opportunit­y to appoint the first capable woman judge to head the Constituti­onal Court. Elevating Justice Zondo on the grounds that he was Deputy Chief Justice cannot be the reason. Judge Dikgang Moseneke remained the deputy until he retired.

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 ?? ?? PRESIDENT Cyril Ramaphosa appointed Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo as Chief Justice on March 10. Ramaphosa said he intended to nominate Judge Mandisa Maya, right, as Deputy Chief Justice. | African News Agency (ANA) Archives)
PRESIDENT Cyril Ramaphosa appointed Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo as Chief Justice on March 10. Ramaphosa said he intended to nominate Judge Mandisa Maya, right, as Deputy Chief Justice. | African News Agency (ANA) Archives)
 ?? ?? Professor of Political Science and Deputy Dean of Research at the University of the Western Cape
Professor of Political Science and Deputy Dean of Research at the University of the Western Cape

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