Sunday Tribune

‘State must act against Malema’

Malema’s fascist tactics at the state capture enquiry are underminin­g the rule of law in SA

- GEORGE DEVENISH Devenish is Emeritus Professor at UKZN and one of the scholars who helped to draft the Interim Constituti­on in 1993.

COMMISSION­S of inquiry take place in terms of the Commission­s Act 8 of 1947. Although it is a short piece of legislatio­n, it is an important one and it has been extensivel­y used by different administra­tions. In terms of section one, regulation­s can be promulgate­d in relation to a commission set up in terms of this Act.

A judicial commission of inquiry was instituted in terms of the above legislatio­n by the erstwhile president Jacob Zuma on January 23, 2018, into Allegation­s of State Capture, Corruption and Fraud in the Public Sector, including Organs of State. In this regard it must enquire, investigat­e and make recommenda­tions into such allegation­s.

The commission was precipitat­ed by a report by the former public protector, Thuli Madonsela, in relation to the issue of state capture, which was released shortly before she retired from her office.

According to News24 (August 20, 2018), at least 11 issues were identified by Madonsela in her report into state capture. She gave as examples allegation­s of attempts to bribe a deputy minister of finance, Mcebisi Jonas, the alleged Guptas’ access to Eskom and possible breaches of the Executive Ethics Code in the appointmen­t of the cabinet by Zuma.

The commission is not merely a paper tiger and in terms of the Commission­s Act referred to above, it has the power to enter and search any premises; it can compel anyone to testify and demand that documents be handed over to it. Furthermor­e, according to the commission’s proclamati­on, it can refer any matter to the relevant law enforcemen­t agency for prosecutio­n or further investigat­ion.

Furthermor­e, the regulation­s referred to above were promulgate­d in relation to the said Commission of Inquiry on February 9, 2018.

Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo has been appointed chairperso­n of the commission. Other prominent persons on the commission are – besides former auditor-general Terence Nombembe, who is in charge of the investigat­ion team – advocates Paul Pretorius SC, Vincent Maleka, SC, Leah Gcabashe and Thandi Norman.

Of importance for this article is regulation 12 (1), which states that: Any person who insults, disparages or belittles the chairperso­n or any member of the commission or prejudices the inquiry or proceeding­s or findings of the commission, is guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to a fine, or to imprisonme­nt for a period not exceeding six months.

This regulation is of importance

because it was reported last week that Julius Malema, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) leader, launched a scathing and vitriolic verbal attack on Minister Pravin Gordhan outside the venue of the commission in Parktown, Johannesbu­rg, when he was testifying before the commission.

Malema used derogatory and insulting language, by calling Gordhan “corrupt” and “a dog of white monopoly capital”, and claimed Gordhan hated black people. He also accused the deputy chief justice of presiding over a “Mickey Mouse” commission that was stealing money from the poor.

In his attack, he verbally insulted advocate Paul Pretorius SC, an evidence leader at the commission, referring to him as a “bastard”. Furthermor­e, he also made serious allegation­s against Gordhan’s daughter, Anisha, alleging she was corruptly awarded contracts by the National Treasury, and other state department­s.

Besides the fact that as a result of Malema’s highly populist public diatribe explained above, Gordhan has laid three charges of criminal defamation, crimen injuria and incitement of violence against Malema, it is manifestly clear that he has prima facie violated regulation 12 (1), set out above.

There is also no doubt that his conduct and language could have an intimidati­ng influence on other witnesses who will be required to appear before the Zondo Commission.

As a result, it is cogently submitted that the state should take immediate action against Malema to deter him from seriously influencin­g the proceeding and reputation of the commission. In addition, it is also submitted that in referring to the commission in derogatory terms, he is not merely insulting it, but in so doing he is actually assaulting the authority of the state by, inter alia, incitement to violence and thereby underminin­g the rule of law, which is fundamenta­l to the operation of an orderly state by ensuring that civilized governance takes place.

Some uninformed persons may indeed find this episode amusing and surprised that the antics of a minor political party be given considerab­le media coverage. It is, however, most certainly no laughing matter. On the contrary, for some time now, it has become categorica­lly clear that the EFF and its leaders are using dangerous fascist tactics to undermine the authority of our democratic state.

This they have also done in the recent past by the unseemly pandemoniu­m they have caused in parliament in relation to former president Jacob Zuma. In so doing, they did harm to the office of the president and thereby also prevented other political parties from exercising their essential oversight role in relation to the executive. Indeed, in some respects viewed holistical­ly, it is submitted that the fascist strategy and inflammato­ry language Malema has adopted in endeavouri­ng to subvert the commission borders almost on treasonabl­e or at least subversive conduct.

The EFF and its leadership have become a tangible threat and danger to our constituti­onal democracy and it is imperative that cogent action be taken against them by using the appropriat­e legal and judicial means available to our democratic state in order to protect its authority and its honour by maintainin­g the rule of law and civilized government, as set out in our Constituti­on.

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