Sunday World (South Africa)

Constituti­on must give meaning to liberty and dignity

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This past week marked the 25th anniversar­y of the adoption of South Africa’s liberal democratic constituti­on. Ironically, it is the same week in which the governing ANC failed to secure a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly to revise the constituti­on in order to enable the government to fast-track land transforma­tion.

It is a remarkable anomaly that on the 25th anniversar­y of the constituti­on, the National Assembly was revising section 25 of the document.

South Africa’s history is built on the dispossess­ion of black people’s land, livelihood and identity by a white minority regime. Therefore, the drafting process was not an innocent and independen­t one. It was a contestati­on between forces seeking to preserve apartheid’s legacy post ’94, and those seeking to transform its legacy post ’94.

Section 25 of the constituti­on captures this contestati­on: “No one may be deprived of property except in terms of law general applicatio­n, and no law may permit arbitrary deprivatio­n of property.”

While the constituti­on sets out several rights that can be enjoyed by many South Africans, the essence of it is the rules that govern the protection of the gains of apartheid and the quest for transforma­tion.

In this instance, the constituti­on may be more useful to those with the resources and the technical know-how to interpret it in their favour, particular­ly before the courts. In essence, the constituti­on may be biased in favour of the beneficiar­ies of the apartheid legacy.

The failure to adjust section 25 of the constituti­on by the National Assembly may give credence to the criticism that the constituti­on benefits the white minority more than the black majority.

It may also mean that all the institutio­ns, systems and processes that flow from this constituti­on are equally geared towards the contestati­on either for the preservati­on of the apartheid legacy, or the quest for transforma­tion.

In this regard, the National Assembly may also have emerged as an institutio­n where transforma­tion may ironically be frustrated by the constituti­on.

The stalling of the land restoratio­n and redistribu­tion using the very same constituti­on that sought to be the instrument of transforma­tion necessitat­es a reflection on the utility of this constituti­on.

In this regard, to what extent does it advance the quest for the liberation and freedom fought for over decades? Is the constituti­on a progressiv­e or a conservati­ve document? On what basis has this constituti­on been christened the “best in the world” even as it is equally used to stall transforma­tion?

The majority of South Africans impoverish­ed and marginalis­ed by apartheid have always associated democracy with improved living conditions.

Therefore, the main democracy document, the constituti­on, must give effect to this desire by the masses. The rights contained in the constituti­on must progressiv­ely improve the living conditions of black people, and restore their dignity.

This is the value that South Africa’s constituti­on must carry. It must give expressed meaning to freedom and dignity of all South Africans regardless of economic status.

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