Sunday World (South Africa)

Hope for a new level of public accountabi­lity

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Tomorrow, all eyes will be on parliament as a ground-breaking impeachmen­t process against suspended public protector Busisiwe Mkhwebane gets under way. It will be the first impeachmen­t of a public official in democratic South Africa – and hopefully not the last.

On the eve of her impeachmen­t, odds appear heavily stacked against Mkhwebane. It follows a week in which she was dealt several blows by acting public protector Kholeka Gcaleka, who withdrew the institutio­n’s funding of Mkhwebane’s several (last-ditch) court attempts to halt her impeachmen­t.

Mkhwebane’s impeachmen­t is significan­t in several aspects.

The public protector’s office is regarded as the most powerful institutio­n among Chapter 9 institutio­ns.

Its role is even more significan­t as its remedial actions – unlike other Chapter 9 institutio­ns – are legally binding, except in situations where they are successful­ly challenged in court, as we witnessed in many of Mkhwebane’s questionab­le findings.

The impartiali­ty and fundamenta­l knowledge of the law are critical factors in the success and legitimacy of this important office. They must be procedural­ly and substantiv­ely justified, and not found wanting, as we have witnessed under Mkhwebane’s leadership.

In assessing Mkhwebane’s competence, it is worth reflecting on some of her decisions that have led to the current state of affairs. From the moment she walked into that office, Mkhwebane appears to have allowed herself to be consumed more by ANC factional battles than the integrity of her office.

Warning signs of Mkhwebane’s ineptness started as early as 2018, when she ordered Absa (in the Bankorp investigat­ion) to pay R1.25-billion to the government and recommende­d – as remedial action – that the South African constituti­on be changed.

Even her report on the Gupta-linked Estina dairy failed to meet the required standards expected from such an important office.

The Estina report was described by the courts in unsavoury terms such as “flawed”, “negligent” and a “derelictio­n of duty”.

The above are just a few examples in a series of Mkhwebane’s blunders, not to mention her report on donations made to the CR17 campaign, and on an investigat­ing unit at the South African Revenue Service, which drew the ire of the country’s senior judges, who did not mince words as they questioned her “quality of reasoning”.

Mkhwebane’s failures must, however, serve as a lesson to the ANC and its MPS to henceforth stop putting party loyalty ahead of profession­al integrity when making crucial appointmen­ts that have an impact on good governance.

Mkhwebane has, by all accounts, brought this important institutio­n under a level of constant public scrutiny never before experience­d since the establishm­ent of the public protector’s office.

It is our sincere hope that the process of Mkhwebane’s impeachmen­t is going to herald a new era of public accountabi­lity.

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