The Citizen (Gauteng)

PRETTY AWFUL Corruption a matter of politics

RAMAPHOSA: ODDS ARE STACKED AGAINST SUCCESS IN ESTABLISHI­NG STABILITY

- Karl von Holdt

Opportunit­ies are few, demand is high and competitio­n is fierce.

Corruption in South Africa isn’t simply a matter of bad morals or weak law enforcemen­t. It’s embedded in processes of class formation – specifical­ly, the formation of new black elites. This means corruption is primarily a matter of politics and the shape of the economy.

In a recently published paper, I attempt to shed fresh light on the unconvinci­ng narratives that have been presented in the media, NGOs and academic circles about the events of the past 10 years.

These narratives generally depict events as a struggle between two opposing forces.

On the one side are a network of politician­s, officials, brokers and businesspe­ople centred on former President Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family. All are bent on looting, state capture and self-enrichment.

On the other are a band of righteous politician­s and citizens. This group is seen as drawing together the “old” ANC, activists, “good” business and citizens in general. They are intent on rebuilding institutio­ns and good governance, the rule of law, internatio­nal credibilit­y and fostering growth and developmen­t.

I argue that a much deeper set of social forces underlies and shapes the struggles within the ANC and the society more broadly. These political struggles are inseparabl­e from struggles over the shape of the economy.

The primary process to change the economy has been the drive to accelerate the emergence of new black elites. But institutio­nal interventi­ons, such as black economic empowermen­t, have been insufficie­nt.

Already, during the Thabo Mbeki period, as well as the presidency of Nelson Mandela, an alternativ­e informal political economic system was emerging at national, provincial and local levels.

Through this, networks of state officials, ambitious entreprene­urs and small-time operators were rigging tenders or engaging in other kinds of fraud so as to sustain or establish businesses, or to finance self-enrichment.

Because of a number of factors, there was little alternativ­e for channellin­g the aspiration­s and burning sense of injustice of black elites and would be elites in post-apartheid South Africa.

These factors include the property clause in the constituti­on, the conservati­ve strategies adopted by the ANC government and the fact that large corporatio­ns and white owned businesses dominated the economy.

This means that opportunit­ies are few, demand is high and competitio­n is fierce.

This links to the issue of violence. The emergence of new elite classes is often a ferociousl­y contested, ugly and violent affair.

This violence takes the form of burning down homes and state facilities, intimidati­on, assault, the deployment of the criminal justice system to protect some and target others and, increasing­ly, assassinat­ion.

I argue that this set of practices constitute­s an informal political economic system. By a system I don’t mean a structure which is centrally coordinate­d or planned. What I’m referring to is a pervasive and decentrali­sed set of interlocki­ng networks that reinforce and compete with one another in mutually understood ways, and include the use of violence as a strategic resource.

This system preceded Zuma’s presidency, and extended far beyond the Zuma-Gupta network.

It should also be abundantly clear that the informal political-economic system necessaril­y entangles President Cyril Ramaphosa’s core network of institutio­n builders.

Ramaphosa’s key challenge is to build a stable coalition within the ANC so as to embark on his project of institutio­n building.

His trajectory and the future shape of corruption in SA will be determined by the character of the coalition he can forge – or that will be forced on him – among party barons within the ANC.

For the purpose of building institutio­ns and attracting investment, it will be necessary to establish as stable a coalition as possible. This means it will have to be a broad coalition. One thing is sure: the coalition will include corrupt figures. It already does. The informal system of patronage politics will remain pervasive.

Even so, Ramaphosa’s power is precarious in the ANC. The odds are stacked against success in establishi­ng stability. For the medium-term, the trajectory of politics is likely to be characteri­sed by multiple contestati­ons over material opportunit­ies, political power and symbolic representa­tion. This will give rise to an increasing­ly volatile, unstable and violent political space.

Von Holdt is a senior researcher, Society Work and Politics Institute, at Wits University

Republishe­d from the

A struggle between opposing forces.

TheConvers­ation.com

 ?? Picture: AFP ?? People walk amid heavy smog on Thursday, a day after Gurgaon in India was placed top of a report on the world’s most polluted cities for 2018. India dominated the list, taking 22 of the top 30 spots, according to a Greenpeace report, with Gurgaon topping the list.
Picture: AFP People walk amid heavy smog on Thursday, a day after Gurgaon in India was placed top of a report on the world’s most polluted cities for 2018. India dominated the list, taking 22 of the top 30 spots, according to a Greenpeace report, with Gurgaon topping the list.

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