The Herald (South Africa)

Govt allows anarchy to progress

State of the nation

- Stanley Esterhuize­n, Sardinia Bay, Port Elizabeth

GIVEN the current spotlight on the abysmal state of education in this country, the final analysis points the finger of criminalit­y directly at the government – which I believe is guilty of intellectu­al genocide.

We now have another lost generation, and consequent­ly find ourselves as a country even closer to the bottom of the ladder of civilisati­on.

A sinister aspect of this disgusting condition is that this genocide appears to be the result of a coordinate­d effort of inefficien­cy which cannot be hidden by the misnomer, ineptitude.

There has been a similar situation with the industrial action of the last eight or nine months.

While there might be social mitigation for the wholesale damage to municipal, government and private property incurred during this period, reducing possible charges of sabotage to mere civil disobedien­ce, the failure of government to employ devices to lead disaffecte­d groups away from violence as a tool appears deliberate, or at best cowardice.

Again, cowardice in war or revolution is a criminal offence.

And we are in a state of revolution, aren’t we?

Take for example the statement by the ANCYL in the press regarding the Western Cape, “we will make this province ungovernab­le”. It goes absolutely unchalleng­ed.

Yet were an individual to tell an airline that he/she had planted an explosive device on an aircraft, that person would be arrested and charged – regardless of proof of guilt.

It is a criminal offence to make that kind of statement and the might of the state will support the law.

Notice the applicatio­n of double standards in the above example, implying that the state is a willing colluder to such statements.

Similarly, while it is criminal to damage municipal, government or private property – something done regularly and with impunity – it implies once again a certain collusion with the state, where interpreta­tion of the law is duplicitou­s. Quite frankly this kind of activity smacks of economic sabotage, which if left unattended, amounts to treason.

And so thinking, concerned citizens must find themselves asking the inevitable questions about the duality that exists in this country. How is it that government appears to be a willing partner in the dissolutio­n of governance, of law and of the economy?

Who stands to gain the most from a fragmented society? The people, the economy or the state?

Not the people who remain as disenfranc­hised, insecure and terrified as ever.

Not the economy, from which integrity is extracted almost every day. So it must be the state. Or is it? Is it possible that the ANC has lost control over the real politic in this country and it now lies in the hands of another grouping?

Marikana is a case in point, where the state had nothing to gain and everything to lose.

Credibilit­y, integrity, admiration, courage, authority – it all flew out the window there.

At once one senses the arrival of the lions. Traditiona­l weapons, insurrecti­on, defiance . . . the lions have come to feed.

And everything else tinted ANC in this country is a desperate attempt by the party to hide the changing of the guard, (This does not mean that any of the other competing political parties have a snowball’s chance in blazes of being part of that change).

It is a change I believe is being hidden in the bush of Manguang, evidenced succinctly by the fortress of Nkandla, something I can only interpret as a sign of fragmentat­ion, a deconsolid­ation from ideologica­l to historic groupings.

Should this be the case, one might then view the criminalit­y of government not so much as criminalit­y per se, but rather pursuant of a scorched earth policy.

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