The Star Early Edition

ANC policy takes the cake

Party insists it’s still a political vanguard: this is what ails democracy in South Africa

- HEIDI BROOKS Dr Brooks is senior researcher and associate at the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection. This article first appeared in The Conversati­on

A COMMON claim of the governing ANC is its commitment to participat­ory democracy: the involvemen­t of citizens in decisions about issues that affect their lives.

It is a principle and a system, primarily at the local government level, that has been institutio­nalised alongside representa­tive democratic government.

The country has a prominent history of popular participat­ion in the struggle for democracy. Under the largely ANC-aligned national liberation movement, mass participat­ion and popular control characteri­sed the Struggle discourse.

South Africans have shown, as opponents of apartheid and as free citizens, their desire to engage government.

Yet the post-apartheid system of participat­ory democracy is generally considered to have failed. Citizens still lack influence in governance processes.

With this in mind, I examined the roots of this policy failure. My findings are published in a book, The African National Congress and Participat­ory Democracy.

It examines the ANC’s understand­ing of participat­ory democracy – first as a liberation movement, then as a government since 1994. It seeks to show how the failure of participat­ory democracy can be linked to the ideas that underpin it.

Founded in 1912 by a small group of educated, middle-class Africans, the ANC grew into a mass movement in the 1940s. It later became an exiled undergroun­d organisati­on from 1960, after its banning by the apartheid regime. In exile, its roots in African nationalis­m merged with MarxistLen­inist ideology.

It draws on these intellectu­al traditions, but has always been a “broad church”. There has never been a singular, uniform understand­ing of participat­ion within the ANC. Instead, during the Struggle, multiple traditions and approaches to popular participat­ion emerged.

In the 1980s, as the Struggle heightened, one of these ideas took form in the “people’s power” movement. Rooted in local, informal structures of self-governance, it represente­d for some participan­ts a form of prefigurat­ive, participat­ory democracy, built from the bottom up.

From 1990, with the onset of talks to end apartheid, and after the first democratic elections in 1994, some of this inspiratio­n was woven into public policy.

The 1994 Reconstruc­tion and Developmen­t Programme emphasised people-driven developmen­t. This ethos informed the 1998 White Paper on Local Government and legislatio­n that establishe­d municipal ward committees as key forums for citizen participat­ion.

But new ideas and influences also emerged from developmen­t theory, governance discourse and internatio­nal best practice. They can be seen in various consultati­ve mechanisms, such as ward committees and municipal developmen­t planning.

Some discomfort has arisen between an impetus for managing the public sector efficientl­y and allowing citizens to participat­e. But South Africa’s public policy on participat­ion does allow for some popular influence.

Separately, though, the ANC as a movement has a distinct discourse about participat­ion. The adoption since 1994 of a largely market-oriented economic strategy makes this discourse meaningles­s at a policy level. Yet the narrative continues.

ANC documents, statements and commentary still refer to the governing party as “a vanguard movement”.

For example, its discussion document on organisati­onal renewal, presented at its most recent policy conference in 2017, stated: “The ANC has to operate as a vanguard movement with political, ideologica­l and organisati­onal capacity to direct the state and give leadership to the motive forces in all spheres of influence and pillars of our transforma­tion.”

A vanguard views itself as a true representa­tive, able to interpret the popular will. The people must not only see the vanguard’s objectives as in their best interests, they must also see leadership by that vanguard as essential for those interests to be secured.

An active role for the people is a critical component of vanguardis­m. But the movement must guide participat­ion. It’s not the form of participat­ion that’s usually associated with democracy. But the ANC understand­s it as being the same as participat­ory democracy.

The challenge for South Africa’s democracy is that the very existence of vanguardis­m prevents citizens from being empowered. It keeps the party dominant. It also contains what the political theorist Joseph V Femia, in his book, Marxism and Democracy (p136), said was an important tension in Marxism, between a desire for political control from above and popular initiative from below. This can be framed as a tension between vanguardis­m and participat­ory democracy.

South Africa has reached a critical point in its democracy. Popular disillusio­nment with the ANC, failures in government performanc­e and the rise of popular protest are evident.

The ANC has been found wanting as a leader of society. Rampant corruption and abuse of office have marred its claim to the rightful leadership of South Africa’s people.

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