The Star Early Edition

Refer SA’s marriage Bill back to Parliament

- STEVE SWART Swart is an MP for the ACDP

SINCE Parliament’s adoption of the Civil Union Amendment Bill (“the Bill”) in July, various newspapers have published opinions by legal professors, legal advocacy groups and religious organisati­ons on the constituti­onality of the Bill.

I have been a Member of Parliament for the past 21 years and was a member of the Home Affairs Portfolio Committee which processed the Civil Union Act back in 2006. What I can say is that, although various aspects of the Civil Union Act were hotly debated in Parliament, section 6 (the “conscienti­ous objection clause” which the Bill seeks to repeal) was not. Although many parties, including the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), voted against the Bill, this clause was unanimousl­y accepted.

Parliament deliberate­ly chose to write in the “conscienti­ous objection clause”. The clause only affects State marriage officers (i.e. those specifical­ly employed as marriage officers by the Department of Home Affairs, and those State employees who are automatica­lly marriage officers by virtue of holding another office, such as our magistrate­s). It allows them to inform the Minister of Home Affairs in writing that they object, on the grounds of their conscience, religion and beliefs, to personally solemnisin­g a civil union between persons of the same sex. The clause then prohibits the State from compelling that marriage officer to personally solemnise a civil union.

Parliament did not make a mistake by choosing to specifical­ly write in the “conscienti­ous objection clause”. It was not some omission or oversight. It was a very deliberate decision which Parliament took precisely because of the Constituti­onal Court’s judgment legalising same-sex marriage in the case of Minister of Home Affairs v Fourie (“Fourie”). In this judgment, the court gave Parliament exactly one year to write a law that allowed samesex couples to get married. The court also suggested that “the principle of reasonable accommodat­ion could be applied by the state to ensure that civil marriage officers who had sincere religious objections to officiatin­g at same-sex marriages would not themselves be obliged to do so if this resulted in a violation of their conscience” (paragraph 159 of Fourie).

The clause forces the State to “take positive measures and possibly incur additional hardship or expense in order to allow all people to participat­e and enjoy all their rights equally” (as per the Constituti­onal Court’s descriptio­n of reasonable accommodat­ion in MEC for Education: Kwazulu-Natal and Others v Pillay, paragraph 73).

In other words, the “conscienti­ous objection clause” not only prohibits the State from trampling on its employees’ constituti­onal rights, but also forces it to carry the burden and the responsibi­lity of coming up with practical solutions to ensure that everyone – including both State marriage officers, and same-sex couples – are able to enjoy all their rights equally. Everyone, after all, is entitled to have their constituti­onal rights protected. Why the conscienti­ous objection clause is not unconstitu­tional. Various opinions have voiced that the “conscienti­ous objection clause” is unconstitu­tional because it discrimina­tes against same-sex couples. However, clearly the Constituti­onal Court itself would not have recommende­d an unconstitu­tional remedy.

It is important to understand that it is not discrimina­tion which is illegal in South Africa – only unfair discrimina­tion. The principle of reasonable accommodat­ion (which is that of coming up with solutions, even if it means an extra cost has to be incurred, to allow all people to enjoy their constituti­onal rights equally) pervades our law and has never been held to be unconstitu­tional. On the contrary, it has been affirmed in many judgments.

All South African marriage laws are currently under review. The Bill goes directly against the Constituti­onal Court’s judgment. Not only does it remove the remedy proposed by the court, but it fails to “replace the remedy with another legal arrangemen­t that [meets] constituti­onal standards”. For this reason alone, it is blatantly unconstitu­tional and the President should not sign it into law.

As a senior parliament­arian, I also find the Bill extremely disturbing because it gives the State the power to ignore constituti­onal rights. This sort of power is very dangerous and should be anathema in our constituti­onal democracy. The clear and present danger is that eliminatin­g the constituti­onal rights of State marriage officers will be the first domino that will spill over into all of society, and set a precedent for the erosion of other constituti­onal rights - rights that South Africans only won after a long and hard struggle. The ACDP will shortly be lodging a petition with the President to not sign this Bill, but rather refer it back to Parliament.

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