The Star Late Edition

SA tormented by violence

Brakes must be put on scourge embedded in fabric of our society

- WILLIAM GUMEDE ◆ Gumede is the chairperso­n of the Democracy Works Foundation (www.democracyw­orksfounda­tion.org) and author of South Africa in BRICS (Tafelberg)

THERE is a terrifying epidemic of all types of violence in South Africa – in homes, on the road and even in Parliament. Disputes between strangers frequently turn deadly.

Domestic violence has spiralled, with violence against women and children rising. Gang violence has reached new heights. Race-related violence has spiked. Xenophobic violence in townships flares up regularly.

Violence within supposedly “safe” institutio­ns, such as schools, churches and universiti­es, has risen dramatical­ly. There has been a rise in self-harm also, with South Africa now having one of the highest levels of suicides.

So everyday has violence become that many South Africans have become used to it, until occasional­ly a violent incident reminds them again.

South African society as we know it was built on violence. This means the DNA of South Africa is violent. Most South Africans have been the victims of violence, whether in child or adulthood, inflicted on them by strangers or loved ones. Some who experience violence inflict violence on others.

Violence is socially acceptable. Many black and white South Africans, when raising their children, use violent punishment if they do wrong. Until recently, corporal punishment was central to discipline in schools.

South Africa has been unable to overcome this deep-seated culture of violence embedded it its DNA. There has been a persistenc­e of political ideologies that hero-worship violence. The use of violent language, slogans and anthems in the public discourse is politicall­y fashionabl­e.

As a case in point, violence and violent rhetoric and slogans continue to be celebrated as “radical” in the democratic era. The violence of the “#FeesMustFa­ll” movement is celebrated as heroic. Similarly, violence by trade union members on strike is treated as above board, because they fight for “justice”.

South Africa has competing governance systems. These are often violent, whether they are “customary law”, gang law, and autocratic leadership cultures within sections of the ANC, former liberation movements and civil society groups.

South Africa’s continuing inequality, between rich and poor, men and women, different races, those with weapons and those without, has continued to fuel the violence of our past.

The state and many of its apparatus, whether the police or service department­s, has in many cases retained the violent culture of the apartheid state. Many South Africans nurse suppressed anger. South Africa has among the largest numbers of unemployed in the world, particular­ly among young people. Blacks who are not politicall­y and socially connected are excluded and angry.

Some white South Africans have suppressed anger because “the blacks” are “in charge”. In the rural areas under the control of autocratic African traditiona­l leaders, black women have few rights under so-called customary law.

Daily racial slights, so commonplac­e that white South Africans are not even aware of them, build up anger among many blacks. Daily shocking revelation­s of corruption in government, business and trusted institutio­ns, such as religious organisati­ons, auditing firms and doctors, fuel anger among ordinary, law-abiding citizens. Often those who mete out violence – powerful criminals, gangsters and connected politician­s – appear to get away with it. Powerful crime bosses, traditiona­l leaders and political leaders who are violent must be punished as severely as others who are violent.

Most South Africans come from broken families, so it’s unlikely they will be taught non-violence lessons at home. This means that schools, higher education institutio­ns and the workplace will have to teach non-violence to learners, students and employees.

Leaders of all spheres, political, business, religious, traditiona­l and community leaders, must model new non-violent, tolerant and caring behaviours. Religious bodies, trade unions and community organisati­ons have to teach their members non-violent methods of dispute resolution.

Political leaders and parties must eschew violence, whether physical or in language. Political parties must expel violent leaders and members.

The idea that violence is a solution to solving problems must be socially discourage­d by civil society, families and communitie­s. Government must govern more caringly, honestly and in the widest interest of all citizens.

 ?? | CHRISTIAN BRUNA EPA-EFE ?? People approach the Silent Night Chapel on Silent Night Square in Oberndorf, 20km north of Salzburg, Austria. The famous Christmas carol was first sung in Sankt Nicola Church, Oberndorf, on December 24, 1818. The original lyrics of the song were written in German by the Austrian priest Father Josef Mohr, who was born in Salzburg on December 11, 1792, and the melody was composed by the Austrian headmaster Franz Xaver Gruber. The carol, which was declared an intangible cultural heritage by Unesco in 2011, has been translated into more than 140 languages. Stille Nacht, heilige Nacht (Silent Night)
| CHRISTIAN BRUNA EPA-EFE People approach the Silent Night Chapel on Silent Night Square in Oberndorf, 20km north of Salzburg, Austria. The famous Christmas carol was first sung in Sankt Nicola Church, Oberndorf, on December 24, 1818. The original lyrics of the song were written in German by the Austrian priest Father Josef Mohr, who was born in Salzburg on December 11, 1792, and the melody was composed by the Austrian headmaster Franz Xaver Gruber. The carol, which was declared an intangible cultural heritage by Unesco in 2011, has been translated into more than 140 languages. Stille Nacht, heilige Nacht (Silent Night)
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