The Star Late Edition

Lessons in love and violence

In Sierra Leone, few women – especially those who are married – feel genuinely protected by the country’s laws

- LUISA SCHNEIDER • Schneider is a post-doctoral research fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropolo­gy

SIERRA Leone has a long history of sexual and gender-based violence dating from the colonial era and stretching into the years of independen­ce which began in 1961.

The country’s civil war, which raged between 1991 and 2002, brought internatio­nal attention to the high levels of violence against women.

In this way, the country is similar to many young democracie­s in Africa with a violent history; it struggles with patriarcha­l attitudes and high levels of violence against women and girls.

After the war, several legal changes were made to try to address this kind of violence. One was the Domestic Violence Act, ratified in 2007. It criminalis­es all forms of violence – physical, sexual, emotional and economic – against women and outlines strict punishment­s for perpetrato­rs.

But, as I found during long-term research in Sierra Leone, few women – especially married women – feel genuinely protected by this law, and other similar ones. There are a few reasons for this. One is that some forms of violence are considered necessary and acceptable within relationsh­ips. Another is that women who do report face stigma and the risk of losing security for themselves and their children.

Finally, the state legal system and the police don’t prioritise cases involving married women – they often tell women to resolve the matter privately.

If Sierra Leone is to tackle the problem of domestic violence, lawmakers and the authoritie­s need to understand the social dynamics around love and violence. They also need to support and protect women who report violence, to ensure they don’t experience stigma and further violence from their partners, families and communitie­s.

The idea that many forms of violence in relationsh­ips are problemati­c, but somehow necessary, is popular. People believe violence should be mediated rather than eradicated.

Love and violence are not necessaril­y seen as opposites in relationsh­ips. Sierra Leoneans distinguis­h carefully between different forms and effects of violence. Violence is unacceptab­le if it intended to harm and if there’s no way to restore the harm done.

But certain kinds of violence are considered acceptable if they attempt to help or protect a person. During 13 months of fieldwork in the capital city Freetown I examined how relationsh­ips are lived and investigat­ed the role violence plays in romantic relationsh­ips. I wanted to know which acts were perceived as violence and how such violence was endured, accepted, rejected and negotiated. Another focus was on how people, particular­ly women, mediate and sanction violence in relationsh­ips between each other, within households and communitie­s, as well as through the police and in the courts.

I was often told that sanctionin­g a partner for “misbehavin­g” was necessary for a respectful and successful relationsh­ip. Some violence between partners can be executed, endured and even expected as a demonstrat­ion of affection, a display of emotions and a form of communicat­ion.

One man, Diamond, told me: “Real love must come with passion and passion is also jealousy. When you are jealous your heart will become too warm. Then there is some slapping or some beating. But it is part of the love.”

In instances where women feel that they cannot neatly separate love from an act of violence and wish to continue a relationsh­ip, they report to their household or to community elders who then try to mediate between the partners.

Another important social dynamic that’s at play in Sierra Leone is that while publicly men are seen as dominant or “on top” and women as “the weaker sex”, in everyday life women are often recognised as emotionall­y and socially stronger and more capable of directing and managing social units.

This means that women are often held responsibl­e for their husbands’ and sons’ actions. So, reporting a spouse for violence can be regarded as reporting oneself for failing to prevent such behaviour.

Poverty and social class play a role, too. Many women struggle to provide for themselves, their children and their families. If a woman reports a case to the police, the marriage usually dissolves and she can lose out on security and support. This makes it far easier for employed or wealthy women to report domestic violence. But such women are in the minority.

One of the big hurdles to reporting domestic violence is the legal system. As is the case in many former colonies, the legal system is fragmented between the state courts, traditiona­l or lower courts, and mediation by communitie­s and households.

Women who turn to the state can wait years for their cases to be completed; their families and communitie­s, who mistrust the formal court system, often refuse to testify.

Resources are scarce so thecourts and the police tend to prioritise cases of violence against children, or incidents where girls have been raped by strangers. Married, middle-aged women are not a priority. They are often asked to try to settle their matters privately.

Reporting domestic violence to the police is riskier than talking to families and communitie­s, seeking solutions and even reparation­s.

To change this, efforts should be undertaken to destigmati­se police reporting and to offer women and their children protection after reporting. Temporary housing projects would be an option. Additional­ly, women must be empowered to find employment so that they can make choices independen­tly from their social networks. | The Conversati­on

 ?? DIRECT RELIEF/Flickr ?? WOMEN in Sierra Leone fear losing support for themselves and their children if they report violence. |
DIRECT RELIEF/Flickr WOMEN in Sierra Leone fear losing support for themselves and their children if they report violence. |

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