Weekend Argus (Saturday Edition)

Feminist movement shakes up social order in Pakistan

- HARIS ZARGAR Zargar is a journalist from Indiancont­rolled Kashmir. He has worked as a political correspond­ent based in New Delhi. This article was first published on www.newframe.com

A NEW, assertive feminist movement has swept Pakistan in the past five years. Led by a younger generation of women, it is confrontin­g entrenched patriarchy in the country and demanding radical reforms to protect the rights of other marginalis­ed communitie­s and gender minorities.

What began as an annual march to observe Internatio­nal Women’s Day on March 8 has evolved into a sustained campaign for social, political, economic and judicial reform.

The iteration of Pakistani women’s rights amplifies voices and raises awareness through rallies in major cities, including Karachi and Islamabad. It uses digital platforms for mobilisati­on, and uses graphic posters and placards, performanc­e arts, poetry and songs to advocate for femininity.

Pakistan’s Aurat March, or Women’s March, was first organised in the business city of Karachi in 2018, to highlight the problems women face in the country. The march came about after feminist collective­s and women’s rights organisati­ons – such as the Women Democratic Front and the Women’s Action Forum – establishe­d a non-hierarchic­al steering committee, which is not affiliated to any social or political outfits, under the banner Hum Aurtein (We the Women).

The movement combines online and off-line action, mobilising women through social media campaigns using funds generated largely through crowd sourcing.

The city chapters release a declaratio­n of demands every year on social media that reflects the theme of the year’s procession. The movement’s initial demands were an end to violence against women, non-binary people and religious minorities, economic justice through the implementa­tion of labour laws and the recognitio­n of domestic work as unpaid labour, reproducti­ve justice for women, non-binary people and all sexual identities, and environmen­tal justice, including better access to water and land and an end to corporate exploitati­on.

The demands this year are for radical and comprehens­ive structural changes to Pakistan’s judicial system. The movement wants to replace the “superficia­l” gender representa­tion through mere numbers to ensure housing, health care, economic and

psychosoci­al support for victims of violence, as well as more funding for survivor-centric welfare institutio­ns.

The theme of the Aurat March’s 2022 manifesto is Asal Insaaf (Reimaginin­g Justice). Instead of shortterm fixes such as capital punishment and chemical castration, it calls for systemic reforms that prevent patriarcha­l violence.

“Over the past year, like the years before it, we were exposed to violence: violence in the form of the pandemic, violence due to state policies and negligence, violence at home and violence in the streets,” says the Aurat March Lahore Manifesto. The manifesto stresses the need to create

a “culture of care” that goes beyond the individual and in which communitie­s support each other rather than blame the victims. The organisers consulted relevant communitie­s – families who have experience­d enforced disappeara­nces, domestic workers, survivors of sexual violence and religious minorities – to draft the manifesto.

The younger generation is looking for alternativ­e, feminist futures. “This exercise in re-imagining is necessary because, in our five years of organising, we have come to the conclusion that women, trans, khwaja sira (genderambi­guous) and non-binary individual­s have no confidence in the legal system’s ability to provide emancipati­on,” it says.

Pakistan is ranked 153 out of 156 nations in the World Economic Forum’s 2021 Global Gender Gap Report, ahead of only war-torn Iraq, Yemen and Afghanista­n. According to the country’s Human Rights Commission and the Pakistan Journal of Medical Sciences, 90% of women have experience­d some form of domestic violence at the hands of their husbands or families, while 47% of married women have experience­d sexual abuse, particular­ly rape. Pakistan is the sixth most dangerous country in the world for women, according to the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Women have a 22% lower literacy rate than men, make up just 22% of the labour force and receive only 18% of the country’s labour revenue. Women account for only 5% of senior leadership positions in the economy.

Afiya Shehrbano Zia, a feminist scholar who has written about women’s sexuality and body politics in Pakistan, says the Aurat March’s two main contributi­ons to women’s movements in Pakistan have been the rise of a young leadership and a rude breaking of the silence around sexuality. “It has done so in bold, creative and voluntary ways rather than being politicall­y motivated or project-driven,” she says.

Other academics have drawn a similar conclusion. They say Pakistani feminists regard the Aurat March as a vehicle for focusing on women’s issues, bringing the topic of women’s oppression into the public realm and including voices from different sectors of society: urban, rural, working-class, housewives, young and old, artists, thinkers, etc.

March organisers and participan­ts face persistent misreprese­ntation, blasphemy accusation­s and threats from the ruling establishm­ent and orthodox elements of society.

Some detractors allege that marchers are elitists who reject grassroots communitie­s and advocate for Western values. Others see campaigner­s as a foreign-funded threat to Pakistan’s cultural beliefs. The first two Aurat Marches garnered harsh criticism and online abuse of the attendees, who were chastised for using poster slogans that contradict­ed Pakistani culture, values and religion. Some counterpro­testers at the Haya March (Modesty March) in March 2020 threw stones at Aurat March participan­ts. Some of the organisers have received threats of violence, death and rape.

Notable slogans from the march that are the focus of criticism, having been widely adopted, are mera jism meri marzi (my body my choice), khana khud garm karo (warm up your food yourself), mein awaara, mein baddchalan (I loiter, I’m characterl­ess), “divorced and happy” and “anything you can do, I do while bleeding”.

Pakistan’s Federal Minister for Religious and Minority Affairs, Noorul Haq Qadri, wrote to Prime Minister Imran Khan last month asking him to ban the Aurat March nationwide. He suggested March 8 be observed as Internatio­nal Hijab Day. Earlier, religious outfit Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) openly threatened to stop the march by using “batons”.

The high courts in Islamabad and Lahore dismissed petitions to ban the march last year, saying the right to assemble peacefully is guaranteed in the constituti­on.

Many say the patriarcha­l backlash proves that Pakistani women’s efforts to regain their agency are deflating bloated, misogynist­ic male egos.

Journalist Durdana Najam writes that what Pakistan witnessed at the 2019 Aurat March was different to other women’s marches. It was bold and radical, and the slogans in particular unsettled many. “The jarring reality of women crossing all bars to bring down the barriers between them and their male counterpar­ts was not something Pakistan had the appetite to digest.”

Although wider Pakistani society has praised the Aurat March highly, Zia says it has also been subjected to critical scrutiny, including other feminist scholars. She says the first Aurat March was criticised in 2018 for its disengagem­ent with the state and ambivalenc­e over the role of religion and reliance on social media rather than political purpose.

Such criticism was further highlighte­d in a 2020 study by scholars Rubina Saigol and Nida Usman Chaudhary, who pointed out historic tensions in the campaign.

 ?? AFP ?? AURAT March protesters gathered to mark Internatio­nal Women’s Day in Islamabad on March 8. |
AFP AURAT March protesters gathered to mark Internatio­nal Women’s Day in Islamabad on March 8. |

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