Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

IMPEACHMEN­T OF THE CJ IN SRI LANKA: A COMPARISON

- By Kamal Nissanka Attorney-at-Law BA (Hon), PhD (Internatio­nal Relations)

The impeachmen­t motion filed against the Chief Justice of Sri Lanka a few days ago (Nov 1, 2012) has resulted in bringing a political storm especially within the legal and political spheres of the island.

The voices of politician­s and political parties are heard around on the theme while the legal community is coming forward with various constructi­ve criticisms regarding the whole national drama. In this developing situation it is worthwhile to look in comparison another friendly Asian country that brought its Chief Justice through an impeachmen­t process this year and dismissed him from the high profile post in May 2012.

He was Renato C. Corona, then Chief Justice of Philippine­s. Corona was made the chief justice of Philippine­s just a few weeks back to the Presidenti­al Election of 2010 by then Philippine President Ms Gloria Arroyo. Previously he was the Chief of Staff of President Ms Gloria Arroyo’s administra­tion.

In our situation the incumbent Chief Justice was appointed a Supreme Court judge in 1996 by then President Ms. Chandrika Kumaratung­a. When she assumed duties as a Supreme Court judge she had to face three fundamenta­l rights cases against her which were decided by a bench of seven judges. One petitioner argued that Ms Shirani Bandaranay­ake was pro devolution. It was a period where the People’s Alliance government under Ms Chandrika Kumaratung­a was pushing her draft for a new constituti­on. Former President might have thought that a judge in the calibre of Ms Shirani Bandaranay­ake would have been advantageo­us to the expected legal challenges in that era. We don’t know the exact rationale behind the appointmen­t surpassing career judges. It took further 15 more years for Ms Shirani Bandaranay­ake to sit on the august bench of the Supreme Court as the first woman Chief Justice in Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.

The saga of impeachmen­t is also linked to her husband’s fate, a political appointee by President Mahinda Rajapaksa as a member of the board of directors, first to the Insurance Cooperatio­n, then to the Lanka Hospitals and finally as the Chairman of the National Savings Bank (NSB). Whether he was correct or incorrect, corrupted or clean under his chairmansh­ip the NSB was involved in an unjustifie­d share deal bringing public distrust on the bank. Two weeks before the impeachmen­t motion against Chief Justice, a case was filed against her husband on bribery and corruption charges.

The process of impeachmen­t is now clear. Once the Speaker of the House receives the motion with at least the signatures of one third of the MP’s it could be tabled and a Parliament­ary Select

IN THE IMPEACHMEN­T PROCESS OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF SRI LANKA, THE SELECT COMMITTEE COMPOSITIO­N IS VERY IMPORTANT. IF THE SELECT COMMITTEE IS TO BE COMPOSED OF MEMBERS WHO HAD GIVEN CONSENT TO THE IMPEACHMEN­T MOTION, THAT WILL DEFINITELY LEAD TO A SITUATION WHERE NATURAL JUSTICE AND FAIR PLAY IS DENIED TO THE CHIEF JUSTICE

Committee is then to be appointed. The Select Committee acts as a tribunal. The Chief Justice can answer the charges by writing or through representa­tions. If a Select Committee is to be appointed the majority will be the government members. It is the duty of the Speaker to determine that the charges against the Chief Justice are coming within the purview of misbehavio­r or incapacity. “Incapacity” is the physical or mental capacity to function in the high profile office. I think the element “incapacity” has no relevance in this context. In that sense the only element that can be targeted at the Chief Justice is “misbehavio­ur” and thus all the charges levelled at her will come within the purview of “misbehavio­ur”.

If the element of “misbehavio­ur “is the charge or the charges are within the interpreta­tion of the word “misbehavio­ur” a question arises as to the integrity and suitabilit­y of the Select Committee. Further questions arise as to the standard of proof that is to be applied? Are the charges to be proved beyond reasonable doubt as in criminal cases or on the basis prepondera­nce of evidence rule applied in civil suits or principle of substantia­lity of evidence as in administra­tive actions? Is the Chief Justice being presumed innocent until she is proved guilty as guaranteed by Article 13(5) of the Constituti­on? There are also issues of natural justice towards the Chief Justice in the process of impeachmen­t. Is the Parliament­ary Select Committee going to apply the “due process of law ‘clause that exists in many democracie­s to ensure that the fundamenta­ls of fair procedure are applied? Can the Select Committee act without any appearance of bias? Can the member who signed the impeachmen­t motion act in the Select Committee? If so would it be a rule against bias? If the verdict of the Parliament to impeach her, cannot be appealed against isn’t that a lacunae in the 1978 constituti­on?

Under the Article Xl, Section 2, of the 1987 Philippine Constituti­on a judge of t he Supreme Court or high official could be charged in impeachmen­t if he is involved in:

Betrayal of Public Trust, Graft and Corruption and Culpable Violation of Constituti­on.

In Corona’s case in December 2011 the House of Representa­tives passed a motion for impeachmen­t with signatures of 188 members out of 285 members. The impeachmen­t charge sheet composed of 8 charges. Those eight charges could be defined within three areas under the constituti­on.

He was allowed to make a written answer and answered all charges and the next step was to initiate the inquiry on January 12, 2012.

In a nutshell the charges against him were as follows:

The track record marked by partiality and subservien­t in cases involving Ms Arroyo. Failure to disclose to the public his statements of assets and liabilitie­s required by the constituti­on. Alleged that failure to observe stringent standards first involving a labour case against Philippine Airlines, second “Vizconde Massacre Case”, appointmen­t of Corona’s wife in a gover nment position. Disregardi­ng the principle of separation of powers by giving an order against the House of Representa­tives. Not followed earlier decisions of t he SC. Created a committee to investigat­e the activities of another judge when he had no such authority. A partial granting of restrainin­g order in favour of Arroyo to escape prosecutio­n. Failure to report the status of Judiciary Developmen­t Fund and Special Allowance of Judiciary Fund.

In the impeachmen­t process of the Chief Justice of Sri Lanka, the Select Committee compositio­n is very important. If the Select Committee is to be composed of members who had given consent to the impeachmen­t motion, that will definitely lead to a situation where natural justice and fair play is denied to the Chief Justice. In Philippine the impeachmen­t process or trial was very transparen­t and the public were given a chance to witness proceeding­s through electronic live telecast where in Sri Lanka the impeachmen­t process would be a hidden process. In that sense it will lack the idea of openness of judicial proceeding­s .Further in the Philippine case it took six months to conduct the whole proceeding while in our context a mere one month is allocated and the Chief Justice will be disentitle­d to “fair play’, adopted by advanced legal systems.

(Writer is the Secretary General of the Liberal Party of Sri Lanka)

 ??  ?? Chief Justice of Philippine­s Renato C. Corona who was dismissed from the high profile post in May 2012
Chief Justice of Philippine­s Renato C. Corona who was dismissed from the high profile post in May 2012

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