CONJURING COUPS
Coup dè’ tat by military in 1962 & 1966 & Kandy Chiefs in 1834 Unwarranted proclamation by two senior politicians
The leader of the MEP and Joint Opposition Dinesh Gunawardane MP, on the 19th of November has warned of a danger of a military coup if the government attempted to suppress democracy. He addressed the President, who was in the chamber. The Minister of Social Services, S. B. Dissanayake in reply to Gunawaredane’s assertions stated that President Maithripala is having good relations with India and could hope Indian support to thwart any military coup in Sri Lanka. He even specified the number of ships that India would send in support of Sri Lankan government. There had been only three coup attempts and trials in the history of Sri Lanka, the first during British rule and the other two five decades ago.
The first [1834] and the third [1966] proved to be faux pas. Politicians making this type of unjustified announcements lacking in reason or authorisation but based on figment of imagination, they not only hurt the sentiments of the Senior Military Officers, but unnecessarily instigate foreign powers to interfere in our internal affairs. These people are spent forces who should honorably retire from politics.
Coup d’état is the unforeseen removal from power of an existing government, typically by a group of security service men, but not essentially, and replaces it with another body, civil or military. The phrase Coup dè’ Etat; pronounced ku deta is a French phrase, literally meaning a “stroke of State” or “blow against the State”.
KANDY CHIEFS IN 1834
In 1834, a few Kandyan Chiefs well known for their loyalty to the Crown were charged for conspiracy to levy insurrection, rebellion, by investigators who accepted information given stealthily and in secrecy without verification.
A situation similar to what J. R. Jayewardene did in 1966. The informant in this instant was Mahawelatenna Dissawe of Ratnapura, [A great grand uncle of Sirimavo Bandaranaike], who was eying the First Adigar, the most prestigious office, a post held by Molligoda.
Dunuwille was implicated as he also was a contender for the post. Governor Horton and Colonial Secretary sifted the evidence and sanctioned the charges.
The accused were, Adigar Molligoda, Dunuwille Dissave, Bambaradeniya Basnayake Nilame and two Buddhist monks. There were no evidence but the European judge charged for a conviction with six European jurors agreeing, but the seven local jurors were for an acquittal. All accused were acquitted.
However, Molligoda and Dunuwille were dismissed.
Later when the government realized it had been misled, Molligoda was appointed a Dissave and Dunuwille Inspector of Police.
A similar happening was recorded in the 1966, when General R. Udugama was given a diplomatic position as an Ambassador by JRJ.
MILITARY COUP – 1962: BACKGROUND AND MOTIVATION
It was planned for the night of January 27, 1962 to oust Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike and her government. The master brain behind the conspiracy was Colonel Frederic Cecil De Saram, who was by both nature and upbringing an autocrat. FC, who was married to the daughter of Stanley Obeysekera, an uncle of SWRD Bandaranaike, was ably supported by five other Army, Navy and Police top brass.
There was a fear of political, economic and social insecurity; which was at the base of the disorders that Sri Lanka has been going through since 1956. Removal English as the official language has been an issue, especially among the upper middle-class; but they who commanded a monopoly of political, administrative and economic power of then Ceylon.
This group of people had been adapted to write, think and speak only in English. The entire state machinery, administration of law, were conducted in English up to late 1950s, irrespective of the fact that only 8-10% of the population spoke English.
SWRD Bandaranaike swept to power in 1956, soon realized that the powers which had been released by his triumph were formidable to defend against; he became a prisoner of his election promises. The PM was assassinated by his own party man in 1956.
Nine months later, in July 1960, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the widow of slain PM headed the winning SLFP at Parliamentary elections. She appointed SWRD’S cousin’s son, the 29 year old Advocate and trusted lieutenant, Felix Dias Bandaranaike as the Deputy Defence Minister, who also held the portfolio of Finance.
Sirimavo, like the first PM, DS Senanayake, she did not have any advance educational qualifications; but, she owned in plenty the essential skills to be a smart leader. Her astuteness helped her weather the political tornadoes so effectually. In 1962, within eighteen months of taking office the government faced a threat of a Coup d’état. Several high ranking officers of the armed forces and Police meticulously planned a forced take-over.
The men involved included the elite as well as upper-middle class. With no apparent political links; they represented the western educated privileged worrying at variations they disliked.
The well known historian Prof. K.M. de Silva in a paper titled ‘The Armed Services in a Period of Change: 194966’, says, ‘Till second half of the 1950s, the Sri Lankan Army Officer Corps was three fifths Christian, Tamil and Burgher. Christians, both Sinhala and Tamil, who were one tenth of the country’s population, were over-represented by a factor of six. But the SinhalaBuddhists, who were 70% of the island’s population, constituted only two fifths of the officer corps. By 1960, following the Sinhala-buddhist revitalisation triggered by Bandaranaike, the Officer Corps had undergone a radical change in its communal complexion’.
He further says, “In a matter of 10 years after the establishment of the Army, however, the Sinhalese commenced to be over-represented in the Officer Corps as well.”
The Police were badly affected too. In 1958, Bandaranaike overlooked three senior Christian claimants and appointed a Buddhist as an IGP, an outsider. Religious attachment was an important criterion in appointments to politically sensitive posts such as that of IGP.
The conspirators believed the politicians were ruining the country through maladministration. A Coup code-named ‘Operation Holdfast’ was expected to be accomplished by the end of January.
Many professed the botched attempt as a last ditch endeavor by the military elite to safeguard their eroding position.
They were propelled by an overwhelming feeling of loss of power and the status that they were benefited from. Others viewed it as the result of rapid Sinhalisation paying scant respect to the aspirations of other major nonsinhala speaking citizens. Sirimavo, who continued her late husband’s language and socialist strategies was considered by them as someone fragile, inexperienced and unfit to rule, and therefore to be substituted in the larger interest.
OPERATION HOLDFAST
According to coup plans, the PM was to be arrested on her way from Kataragama. Bradman Weerakoon, her secretary, says, ‘They planned assuming that Sirimavo would be travelling that night, if she had, the coup may well have succeeded’.
As per blueprint, at 10 p.m. Lt. Col Willie Abraham was to move into Temple Trees, senior DIG C.C. Dissanayake was to issue a take post orders. Col. Maurice de Mel was to be at Army headquarters. Col. F.C. de Saram, the former Ceylon cricket captain was to position himself at Temple Trees with Dissanayake at Queen’s House and ex- DIG Sydney de Zoysa co-ordinating Army and Police operations from field force HQS.
ASP Johnpillai to clear all main roads and strategically important entry points. Douglas Liyanage, CCS, only civilian played a silent role. Seizure of city and cordoning it off was deemed significant to resist a potential counter-action by State.
Senior Minister Felix Dias Bandaranaike, officials N.Q. Dias, DIGCID S.A. Dissanayake (Jingle) who was twin brother of C.C. Dissanayake (Jungle), acting Navy chief and the SP-CID John Attygalle were to be detained in an underground bunker at the armory. The Central Telephone and Telegraph Exchange was to be shut down; Police headquarters, (CID) offices, armed groups were entrusted to take over Times of Ceylon, the Lake House and the only electronic communication institute, Radio Ceylon by 11 p.m.
Army commander, Acting Navy commander, Air Force chief, and IGP were entirely in the dark about the conspiracy. Once the coup was accomplished the leaders will meet at Queen’s House and demand the Governor-general Sir Oliver Goonetilleke to dissolve Parliament, defer the Constitution and take direct authority.
The initial plan however went off beam because of a sudden postponement in Mrs. Bandaranaike’s itinerary. The conspirators were anxious fearing that PM had come to know of the plans.
It was on January 27, during their “morning walks” on Galle Face Green that Dissanayake revealed to Stanley Senanayake SP details of the coup, inviting him to join. Senanayake was not in favour; he declined the offer.
Realising that he had misapprehended Senanayake, Dissanayake kept contemplating. De Saram, the De Mel brothers, Royce and Morris, De Zoysa and Dissanayake had doubts about the feasibility of going ahead as planned.
Senanayake wrestling with his sense of right and wrong for hours told his wife Maya, daughter of P. de S. Kularatne, former Principal of Ananda, and a Parliamentarian, about the conspiracy.
She, through her father informed the IGP and Felix Dias of the plot. The conspirators sensing something fishy met around 9 p.m. and decided to call off and dispersed only to be arrested within a few hours.
According to their thinking, the first phase would be a junta of coup leaders running the show, the second a council of ex-prime Ministers, coup leaders and the Governor General and then back to democracy under a new constitution. Young Felix Dias conducted investigation with the Police.
24 accused including the six leaders faced charges at a Trial-atbar, for conspiracy to overthrow Her Majesty’s Government. After a protracted trial, 11 out of 24 were found guilty, were sentenced to ten years RI and confiscation of properties but subsequently discharged by the Privy Council in the UK, which ruled in their favour on issues of technicality.
THE THIRD, BATHROOM COUP OF 1966
The ‘coup’ can be described as a wretched effort by J. R. Jayewardene, the State Minister in the Senanayake Government of 1965-70. The objective was either to block the rapid transformation of religious power within the Army in favor of Buddhist officers, or the suspicion over the politically backed recruitments and promotions made through Commander Richard Udugama who was a relative of Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
The attempted Coup d’état 1962 created a strong fear in the minds of the leaders of the ruling party. The top military ethnic ratios, that were highly disproportionate to national ethnoreligious ratio of 70-30, did change dramatically after the 1962 coup. The rapid pace at which these changes were taking place and the large number of SLFP supporters that ‘invaded’ had created a mistrust among affected parties who feared for their future progress and security in the establishment.
The acquittal of the powerful military and Police officers of the 1962 coup d’état; the country falling into the hands of the United National Party at the 1965 General Elections and their bête noire, J R Jayewardene, as State Minister taking over Defence portfolio, all added to suspicion among nationalists forces led by a Nayake Buddhist Thera. They organized and set up a ‘Buddhist brotherhood’ within the Army for fostering a close relationship among them.
In February 17, 1966, based on information received by the Police about a conspiracy to oust the Government, the CID looked for suspects including Ven. Henpitagedara Gnanaseeha Thera, who became famous for his arrogant and straight forward style in preaching.
He was accused as number one conspirator along with Army Commander Richard Udugama and a team of lower ranked petty army men the highest being a captain. ‘Bathroom coup’ and ‘Toilet coup’ were two of the names coined by the scribes of the day to denote the alleged abortive ‘coup in 1966’. At the end of the trial, considering the flimsy nature of the prosecution, like in the 1834 case, court dismissed all accused.
In a remarkable coincidence, the name of Sirimavo Ratwatte of Mahawelatenna transpires in all three instances.
State machinery, administration of law, were conducted in English up to late 1950s, irrespective of the fact that only 8-10% of the population spoke English. Nine months later, in July 1960, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the widow of slain PM headed the winning SLFP at Parliamentary elections. They were propelled by an overwhelming feeling of loss of power and the status that they were benefited from. Others viewed it as the result of rapid Sinhalisation paying scant respect to the aspirations of other major nonsinhala speaking citizens. Sirimavo, who continued her late husband’s language and socialist strategies was considered by them as someone fragile, inexperienced and unfit to rule, and therefore to be substituted in the larger interest. The first phase would be a junta of coup leaders running the show, the second a council of ex-prime Ministers, coup leaders and the Governor General and then back to democracy ... Bathroom coup and Toilet coup were two of the names coined by the scribes of the day to denote the alleged abortive coup in 1966... court dismissed all accused The initial plan however went off beam because of a sudden postponement in Mrs. Bandaranaike’s itinerary. The conspirators were anxious fearing that PM had come to know of the plans