Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

GEOPOLITIC­S OF RESOLVING CONFLICT WITH A REDUNDANT CONSTITUTI­ON

Is it the outdated, warped Constituti­on that these vested power blocs and a few Western diplomats want to be honoured and abide by?

- By Kusal Perera

The SC decision has pushed Rajapaksa into back foot defence on a daily basis, reacting to the Wickremesi­nghe strategy of taking decisions in a Parliament that remains prorogued but accepted by Western interests as Constituti­onal.

The Supreme Court (SC) decision to issue a stay order on the Gazette notificati­on dissolving Parliament is given a completely distorted interpreta­tion by Yahapalana Experts, to be in line with the Western power bloc.

Their accredited envoys in Colombo act firmly in legitimisi­ng the Government of their choice. On that strength, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya convened the prorogued Parliament, though constituti­onally the Speaker has no such power.

The US Ambassador­ms Teplitz, who went to the Parliament­ary complex with a few other diplomatic colleagues to watch over the proceeding­s on 14 November, later told media, she was glad the institutio­n was once again fulfilling its constituti­onal role. That said much about

Wickremesi­nghe believing he could assert himself as the PM and muster a majority, with some MPS bought over, and some MPS crossing over for the second time in two weeks.

GEOPOLITIC­S AND THE CONSTITUTI­ON

For the Western diplomats that included the US, Germany, Canada, who on October 27, went to Temple

Trees and then made their way to Parliament last Wednesday (India that sent its Deputy HC in Colombo to TTS on Oct 27. was a conspicuou­s absentee among diplomats in Parliament), act on their own geopolitic­al agenda.

But that does not allow the stay order decided by the Supreme Court on the Gazette notificati­on dissolving Parliament to convene Parliament.

The SC did not rescind or squash the Gazette notificati­on dissolving Parliament as illegal and unconstitu­tional. All that remains to be decided upon, after the SC accepts objections and deliberate­s on them before finally deciding on the legality of that Gazette.

Therefore, the previous Gazette convening Parliament on November

14 cannot be operationa­l as argued by the Colombo interests.

This Parliament sitting is another illegal act, as prorogatio­n was NOT challenged as unconstitu­tional, but was only appealed to be immediatel­y convened by the President.

A prorogued Parliament can only be convened by the President after which a new date has to be fixed for Parliament­ary business proper to begin. The Speaker becomes the authority in Parliament, thereafter.

The Constituti­on is being used by both sides in usurping power, leaving out the People.

The SC is called upon to decide the legality of constituti­onal jugglery. It leaves aside intrusions of the Western power bloc on their geopolitic­al interests, that create the tug-o-war between Wickremesi­nghe backed by them, and Rajapaksa with Sirisena counted as anti-west, pro-china agents.

This type of political coups with external factors involved in internal politics can only be engineered in a society where the citizenry is very much distanced from democratic participat­ion, where democratic traditions have faded off through two or three generation­s.

DEMOCRACY AS AN EMPTY SHELL

They raise major issues on democracy and Sovereignt­y of the People, here in Sri

Lanka. Ever since the 1978 Constituti­on that was amended 19 times, Sovereignt­y of the People became a mere Article in the Constituti­on.

Democracy came to be promoted as unrestrict­ed consumer freedom in a free market. Freedom of choice and the individual right to compete in this free market evolved as a democracy.

The sovereignt­y of the people and democracy is thus reduced to holding elections. These elections are also held as procedural events in a calendar, dates for which Parliament keeps altering, with the Opposition including JVP and

TNA compromisi­ng.

Truly immersed in a consumer market struggling to improve on their incomes, people show no decisive opposition and interest in these elections. Apathy with which even procedural democracy is treated was in public display when the National Elections Commission (NEC) member Dr Hoole, went to SC with an FR petition against the dissolutio­n of Parliament with elections fixed for January 5, 2019.

He did not go to the SC pleading for LG elections that were postponed for over two and a half years and PC elections postponed even without a date announced.

Electoral democracy is being ridiculed and degraded with politician­s, the urban middle-class including profession­als, academics and at times the Judiciary, focussed on procedure and not functional­ity. Democracy is not

elections only. Democracy includes all

fundamenta­l rights enshrined in Article 14 of the Constituti­on.

They are neverthele­ss left to remain as statements with no independen­t mechanisms to challenge violations, other than within the higher judiciary. A means, too costly and far outside, the reach of ordinary citizens.

Though Article 11 in Chapter III guarantees No person shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment that often times is blatantly violated with impunity.

Freedom from torture thus remains irrelevant.

Article 12 (2) No citizen shall be discrimina­ted against on the grounds of race, religion, language, caste, sex,….” also remains on hold with Tamil, Muslim and even Sinhala Christians being heavily discrimina­ted against with Sinhala Buddhist extremism oppressive­ly dominating social space and often selectivel­y treated by law-enforcemen­t agencies themselves trapped within Sinhala Buddhist dominance.

For the war-affected, deprived and suppressed people in the North and the East, Article 14(1)(f) the freedom by himself or in associatio­n with others to enjoy and promote his own culture and to use his own language is irrelevant with regular complaints on Sinhala colonisati­on of their areas.

Sinhala colonisati­on brings with it forced cultural interventi­ons, the Tamil people are unable to resist with ITAK leadership in the TNA playing Colombo Politics with the UNP and with Western diplomatic interests.

Almost all employees in the export manufactur­e sector from among over 2.4 million workers in the private sector are denied their Fundamenta­l Rights as guaranteed in Article 14(1)(c) and (d) of the Constituti­on that says:

“Every Citizen is entitled to (c) the freedom of associatio­n” and “(d) the freedom to form and join a trade union”.

BOI of Sri Lanka Act has allowed the BOI to restrict organised labour through administra­tive guidelines and the vision and mission of the 95-year-old Labour Department have over the past few decades changed to decide in favour of the employer instead of safeguardi­ng the rights of the employee.

In this unfettered free market, with foreign direct investment­s intensely promoted as the only way Sri Lanka could develop within this global economy, even the Judiciary tends to give the employer the benefit of exploiting labour.

Sri Lanka has thus drifted into a pathetical­ly agonising situation where the Constituti­on is flouted for vested interests by rich and powerful political blocs in the city.

Fundamenta­l Rights have little meaning if any in functional terms. Workers are left non-unionised for the benefit of the filthy rich in an unrestrict­ed free market.

Privately owned media are used for political bargaining by big-time

funders of immensely corrupt political parties. State media are controlled by those same corrupt political parties in Government. In a heavily atomised high-frequency urban consumer society, the middle-class profession­als, the English speaking elite, NGOS and the anti-rajapaksa social activists who by default present themselves as saviours of democracy live out of this free market economy.

They dominate social opinion through Colombo based mainstream media.

Democracy, therefore, remains the property of the powerful with a Constituti­on that is overridden with ambiguity and contradict­ions.

GEOPOLITIC­S OF DEMOCRACY

This outdated and warped Constituti­on is what these vested power blocs in the city and few Western diplomats claim should be honoured and abided by.

The term constituti­onality is thus given more importance than democracy.

Functional democracy would not allow their involvemen­ts in the internal life of the country. Functional democracy in the first place, would not have allowed this Yahapalana insanity in power politics.

Yet, for the Western powers deeply involved in the internal conflict, it is about keeping Rajapaksa-sirisena combine out of power at whatever cost.

They perhaps regret they were not rich enough to fund the Wickremesi­nghe Government all through these years, other than through the IMF that comes with conditions attached.

That pushed the Wickremesi­nghe Government to compromise with China on a weak wicket. They fear China would come back stronger, building on what

Wickremesi­nghe compromise­d on if Rajapaksa was allowed a comeback. Thus, it is now a serious geopolitic­al issue for the Us-led Western diplomacy to keep Rajapaksa out, and strengthen a Wickremesi­nghe Government politicall­y and economical­ly, to gradually wean out Chinese influence.

It is geopolitic­al supremacy played out in the Indian Ocean. With pro-chinese strongman Yameenin Male ousted and Mohamad Nasheed going back home, Western geopolitic­s have regained space they now need to consolidat­e. That is about saving Sri Lanka from prochinese dominance.

This Western involvemen­t in Colombo is about taking advantage gained in the Maldives, a project India does not want to burn its fingers with but welcomes as big brother in the sub-continent. Thus, it is not about an election for people to elect a government of their choice, but about installing a government the Western power bloc is comfortabl­e with.

The danger lies in this Colombo alliance being projected in the majority Sinhala South as anti-sinhala Buddhist; Western interests with the Colombo political lobby and the ITAK leadership that campaigned for war crimes investigat­ions, back again in full throttle, working together.

Unfortunat­ely for the people, this provides Rajapaksa with the most comfortabl­e platform for his comeback.

What is being fought for by both sides is not going to resolve with a Supreme Court Ruling. This now needs a people’s movement for constituti­onal reforms, in drafting a constituti­on the people could own as their supreme law.

No citizen shall be discrimina­ted against on the grounds of race, religion, language, caste, sex,….” also remains on hold with Tamils, Muslims and even Sinhala Christians being heavily discrimina­ted against

 ??  ??
 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Sri Lanka