Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

MAKING POLITICAL ALTERNATIV­E MEANINGFUL AND RELEVANT TO MASSES

Sri Lanka’s economy today is highly distorted, tilting heavily towards services Elderly people suffer due to deficient publicly provided health, education and transport facilities

- By Prof. Siri Hettige Emeritus Professor of Sociology, University of Colombo

There has been considerab­le public discussion in recent months about the need to find a meaningful and real alternativ­e to the existing two mainstream political formations in Sri Lanka. Yet, the people in the country are yet to see a clear vision and a cohesive program of the proposed political alternativ­e. In this brief article, an attempt is made to articulate a possible vision and a program to be discussed and considered by relevant parties in the next weeks and months.

Against the backdrop of persisting political turmoil, chronic uncertaint­ies and a deep sense of insecurity felt by the vast majority of people, what is urgently needed is to identify a clear path along which the country should move forward to meet the legitimate aspiration­s of diverse segments of society. Given the serious economic, social, cultural, political and environmen­tal issues that have evolved over a period of time, the country needs to find alternativ­e ways to address various issues that have remained largely unresolved due to past policy failures. In the remainder of this article, I outline some alternativ­e strategies that can be adopted to have a clear break from the past in the five areas mentioned above.

ECONOMY

As is well known, Sri Lanka’s economy today is highly distorted, tilting heavily towards services. Productive sectors like agricultur­e, urban and rural industry and artisan production have either stagnated or declined. Many rural people have migrated to cities or overseas for casual employment. Continual exodus of labour, the decline of productive sectors, a continuall­y widening trade gap and mounting public debts have generated inflationa­ry pressures that make life miserable for an increasing proportion of population. While income distributi­on has become highly unequal, rural urban disparitie­s have widened. Meanwhile, the informal sector of the economy has expanded and living and working conditions of people dependent on the informal sector remain precarious.

The above state of the economy demands a major effort to restructur­e it in order to diversify all sectors, create productive employment in all parts of the country and reduce inflationa­ry pressures. Both domestic and foreign capital should also be diverted into production-oriented ventures outside the major urban centres. The developmen­t of social infrastruc­ture such as quality health and education facilities outside major cities is critically important to facilitate decentrali­zed developmen­t in the country. What should be noted here is that the concentrat­ion of wealth and people in and around urban centres is not socially and environmen­tally sustainabl­e.

SOCIAL SYSTEM

Increasing economic and social pressures arising out of the above economic conditions have created precarious working and living conditions for a majority of people in the country. Growing spatial mobility of people of all walks of life has weakened family and community life leading to vulnerabil­ities among children, youth, the poor, the differentl­y-abled and the elderly. Increasing significan­ce of privately funded education, transport and health services have given rise to a sense of relative deprivatio­n among low income people. While formal systems of social protection such as pensions and Employees Provident Funds cover only a minority of economical­ly active people, others are exposed to economic and social risks and vulnerabil­ities. Many elderly people continue to engage in employment way beyond retirement age due to the lack of old age pensions or productive assets. Many such people also suffer due to the deficient publicly provided health, education and transport facilities.

The conditions outlined above show that the social system is increasing­ly polarised and unjust. Emergent social conditions are at variance with the widely held egalitaria­n values in the country. A range of social policies are needed to address the issues involved and create a sense of social justice and equity among socially marginalis­ed people in the country.

CULTURE

By the time the British rulers left Sri Lanka following nearly one hundred and fifty of years of colonial rule, the country had already become a centralise­d parliament­ary democracy.

Emergent social conditions are at variance with the widely held egalitaria­n values in the country. A range of social policies are needed to address the issues involved and create a sense of social justice and equity among socially marginalis­ed people in the country

Yet, the social and cultural policies adopted by the colonial rulers had prevented the emergence of a unified citizenry. Ethnic, linguistic and religious divisions were already part of the social, cultural and political landscape. Highly unequal education system during the colonial period continued to reproduce social and cultural divisions in the country. Poor and basic educationa­l facilities in rural areas did not help transform the largely marginalis­ed rural population into a citizenry with a modern social and cultural outlook. Such people remained wedded to a traditiona­l way of life connected to a largely subsistenc­e oriented rural economic pursuits, and their world views and lifestyles were very much shaped by traditiona­l beliefs and archaic religious and ritual practices.

Given the lack of access to modern educationa­l facilities and mass media in rural areas, most rural inhabitant­s remained cut off from the influence of modern urban industrial cultures. Though a tiny anglicised, privileged post-colonial elite had emerged in urban areas, thanks to the emerging colonial economy dominated by plantation production, import and export trade, service industries, etc. , the vast majority of people remained wedded to parochial, traditiona­l rural cultures of several ethno-religious communitie­s. This cultural pattern continued after independen­ce due to post- independen­ce cultural policies that prevented the formation of an overarchin­g mainstream national culture suited to a modern, secular democratic society.

POLITICAL STRUCTURE

Though Sri Lanka became a centralise­d parliament­ary democracy under the British rule, the vast, remote rural hinterland remained weakly integrated with the Centre due to poor transporta­tion and communicat­ion infrastruc­ture. This situation was also conducive for the perpetuati­on of strong regional, ethnic and religious identities. Following independen­ce, such identities became even stronger due to cultural, language and educationa­l policies adopted by post-independen­ce regimes. It is this situation that paved the way for competitio­n among ethno-religious groups for political power and public resources such as land, employment and business opportunit­ies. Such competitio­n eventually led to anti-state, violent political campaigns including the armed struggle in the north and east for a separate State that ended in 2009 with the defeat of the LTTE.

Though there have been some efforts over the last few decades to institutio­nalise a more decentrali­sed political structure in the country, mostly centralise­d nature of the State remains. Provincial and local government institutio­ns remain weak and poorly resourced. Many functions that can be easily and more fruitfully carried out at local and provincial levels remain with the central government. The result is a top heavy administra­tion that controls much of the country’s public finances and other resources, often leading to wastage, corruption and inefficien­cy. The distributi­on of public resources through political party based networks of patron-client relationsh­ips has made the situation worse as this has given rise to political favouritis­m and discrimina­tion, preventing the emergence of a unified citizenry with equal rights and life chances.

ENVIRONMEN­TAL RESOURCES

Economic, social and political conditions outlined above have not been conducive to the sustainabl­e management and use of natural resources of the country. Fragmentat­ion of land, unplanned human settlement­s, implementa­tion of developmen­t projects in a haphazard manner, over-exploitati­on of natural resources, pollution and degradatio­n of the environmen­t, etc. have been the result. Natural and human induced hazards such as flooding, land slides, soil erosion, pollution of water resources, human -animal conflict, droughts, etc. pose serious threats to livelihood­s and well-being of people in almost all parts of the country.

Successive government­s that ruled the country over the last several decades are

largely responsibl­e for the above state of affairs. Their failure or refusal to adopt evidence-based policies to deal with issues in the five areas mentioned above, namely, the economy, social system, culture, political system and the environmen­t, has been the main reason for the deteriorat­ion of economic, social, cultural, political and environmen­tal conditions.

These government­s were led by the mainstream political parties that have not shown any readiness to change their policies and governance styles. Given this situation, people in the country have to opt for a viable political alternativ­e outside the political mainstream. There are already growing signs of a clear readiness on the part of a majority of people to look for such an alternativ­e.

Such an alternativ­e path has become critically important today as the economic, social, cultural, political and environmen­tal challenges facing the country demands a holistic and rational approach to developmen­t, public welfare and peace in the country. Such an approach is already outlined in the Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Vision 2030, a policy document prepared by an independen­t expert committee.

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