Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

Mahindarat­ne

- BY ANUSHA DAVID

A new constituti­on must ensure that there is clear separation of powers and that crucial appointmen­ts are made by an independen­t body, such as the Constituti­onal Council; rigid provisions in respect of government procuremen­t processes, eliminatin­g room for unsolicite­d projects and the possibilit­y for politician­s and interim parties to receive ‘commission­s’ at the cost of the State; clear constituti­onal obligation­s on the government to protect and conserve the environmen­t, our forests and the wildlife, which have taken a severe beating during the last two decades.

Prashanthi Mahindarat­ne, is the first Sri Lankan woman to serve as a war crimes prosecutor in an internatio­nal criminal tribunal, having prosecuted at the United Nations Internatio­nal Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague, from February 2002 to June 2011. She prosecuted high level war crimes, such as the crimes committed in the siege of Sarajevo, the shelling of Dubrovnik, ethnic cleansing in Croatia and the case against the former President of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic. She prosecuted in the high-profile trial against military personnel for crimes committed against civilians in the war zone in the North - the case of the Rape and Murder of Krishanthi Kumaraswam­y and others. She was appointed Senior Counsel for Julius & Creasy in July, 2011.

She served as Honorary Legal Advisor to the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka on Human Rights during the period 2015 to 2018, and as a member of the Government’s Working Group on Transition­al Justice and Reconcilia­tion Mechanisms. She co-drafted inter alia, the Office on Missing Persons Act No.14 of 2016. She was appointed by the World Bank as Senior Legal Consultant to the Right to Informatio­n Commission in March 2017, and by the UNDP as Senior Legal Consultant to the Office for Reparation­s establishe­d under the Office for Reparation­s Act .

An ardent conservati­onist, she regularly carries out pro bono litigation for the protection and conservati­on of fauna and flora.

1 THE NATION IS RIGHTFULLY BLAMING THE POLITICIAN­S FOR THE CRISIS. HAVE THE CITIZENS TOO CONTRIBUTE­D TOWARDS THIS UNFORTUNAT­E OUTCOME?

Yes, the main perpetrato­rs are the politician­s, but I believe the citizens too have contribute­d towards this. The voter is responsibl­e to ensure that the elected candidate is a person of credibilit­y and integrity, worthy of sitting in government. But look at the number of MPS who have criminal charges pending against them, including charges of corruption. There was even an MP convicted on charges of murder elected to Parliament. How irresponsi­ble of the voter to elect such people. It’s the voter who enables these corrupt individual­s to access public funds. So we have also contribute­d towards this predicamen­t. Further, people pay undue obeisance to politician­s - inviting them as chief guests at functions, giving them “VIP” treatment, naming roads and buildings after them. Politician­s are elected by us and paid by us, so why do people bend backwards to please them? Why do we make them feel larger than what they really are? When I was working in

The Hague, I used to see members of the Dutch Royal Family quietly driving by - no motorcades, security entourages, or fire trucks and ambulances chasing them, and security guys waving people off the road like it happens here. Dutch ministers ride the tram alongside members of the public and no one gives them a second look. But look at Sri Lanka – the so called ‘VIP’S travel about with massive security escorts, at great cost and inconvenie­nce to the public Thanks to the “Aragalaya”, hopefully this pathetic culture will be eliminated. I recall the late Minister, Mr. Mangala Samaraweer­a telling a student at some function, never to worship politician­s, when the student tried to worship him. These primitive practices have created a shameful culture where people, even top corporate personalit­ies and celebritie­s lie prostrate (speaking metaphoric­ally) before politician­s. So is it a wonder that the politician­s think that they can get away with anything, and they have got away with a lot!

2 WHY IS SRI LANKA PLACED SO HIGH IN THE CORRUPTION INDEX? WHERE DID WE GO WRONG?

I believe it’s a collective failure. While the principal perpetrato­rs are politician­s and public officers who have been involved in corruption, the citizen is not blameless either. The giver of the bribe is as much to be blamed as the person who solicits or accepts it, and is also liable for prosecutio­n under the Bribery Act. How many people can honestly claim that they have never bribed a public official? Many law-abiding people, don’t think twice about paying a clerk at a government office to get some personal matter attended to, or to hand over Rs.1000/- to a traffic-cop to avoid a traffic-ticket. When you give a bribe, however, small or innocuous it is, or however low level of the state hierarchy it is done at, you are nurturing the system of corruption and you are perpetuati­ng the crime. Corruption is like a cancer, it occurs at multiple levels and at varied extents and volumes.

And if you enable it at whatever level, then you are contributi­ng to its’ growth. In order to completely eliminate corruption from our system, not only do we need to elect a completely different set of persons to government, but we need to establish institutio­ns and systems that can work with transparen­cy and can withstand objective scrutiny. We need a brand new institutio­nal framework. The country should be system-driven as in the developed states, not individual-driven. So whoever sits in the chair will have to adhere to the system or he/she can be kicked out by the system itself. We need a complete overhaul where the bureaucrat­s don’t feel that they hold their office at the pleasure of these politician­s. We need a system where even a junior clerk in a state agency can refuse an illegal order from his superiors.

3 THE ATTORNEY GENERAL’S DEPARTMENT IS UNDER PUBLIC

FIRE, PURSUANT TO WITHDRAWAL OF CASES AGAINST MEMBERS OF THE RULING PARTY. AS A FORMER OFFICER OF THE DEPARTMENT, WHAT ARE YOUR VIEWS?

I can say that many of my former colleagues at the AG’S Department are excellent officers, who, I believe will act in accordance with their conscience and the Rule of Law. So I have no desire to trash the Department. Of course, I am shocked by the withdrawal of the indictment­s, particular­ly because the selected cases give one the impression that perhaps it was done for extraneous reasons. During my time at the Department, and to the best of my knowledge even afterwards, there was no practice where a newly appointed AG reviews indictment­s pending before court preferred by the predecesso­r. If that were to happen, the AG’S entire tenure will be expended reviewing indictment­s preferred prior to his time. So I cannot guestimate what the legitimate rationale maybe for this practice, if any. There is a prosecutor­ial discretion, whether an indictment must be preferred in a certain case or not, and based on the prevalent law, I don’t believe that that decision of the AG to either indict or not to indict can be questioned. However, it is completely different once the indictment is before the court. There has to be exceptiona­l circumstan­ces to warrant withdrawal of an indictment. Because the establishe­d test is that there must be prima facie evidence to warrant indictment. So where the AG has indicted an accused, it is reasonable to conclude that the AG under whose hand the indictment was preferred, was satisfied that there was prima facie evidence to warrant indictment. That should not be second guessed by his successor. Now whether that evidence is beyond reasonable doubt or not, to warrant conviction or acquittal, is up to the court. Once an indictment is forwarded, the AG must leave it to the court to determine that fact. By the withdrawal of the selected indictment­s, in that manner, I believe the integrity of the process may have been compromise­d. It has potential to destroy the credibilit­y and sanctity that ought to be attached to the AG’S Department. We have to wait to hear the AG’S explanatio­n, since members of the private bar have asked for an explanatio­n. I can only say that when institutio­ns that are supposed to uphold the Rule of Law, compromise it, you destroy people’s hope to obtain justice through the law of the land. Then it’s a matter of time before people start taking the law into their own hands, which could drive the nation towards an abyss, sans the rule of law. It is truly important for all concerned to understand that their actions today, which may be beneficial to that individual in the present day, will in all probabilit­y destroy the future for his or her children and the descendant­s to come.

4 THE GOVERNMENT NOW ADMITS THAT IT MADE MISTAKES, WHAT NEXT?

Indeed, but where is accountabi­lity for all this? The President has accepted that he made mistakes re the ban on chemical fertilizer and the delay in seeking IMF assistance. The Finance Minister called the Government’s policy to reduce taxes a “historical mistake”. He also admitted the decisions to artificial­ly control the Rupee and letting it suddenly float, the uncontroll­ed printing of currency, and the failure to restructur­e external debt as “mistakes”. So the Government says me culpa. What about accountabi­lity? These are not mistakes that led to the kitchen catching fire or the car getting stolen. These “mistakes” have cumulative­ly led to the financial death of Sri Lanka. And while the Finance Minister says me culpa in respect of said “mistakes” that others in his government committed, he quite forgot to say me culpa for being the force behind the 20th Amendment. And now he advocates its’ repeal, and reverting to the 19th Amendment, after 2 plus years of its’ grave consequenc­es. So what about accountabi­lity for these failures, which falls clearly within his arena as Minister of Justice? In a developed State after such egregious mistakes, the government would have immediatel­y resigned. In the West when political parties lose elections, the leader of the party resigns. You may recall how Premier David Cameron resigned when the British public voted to leave the

EU, rejecting his entreaties. That shows that politician­s of integrity will always bow down to the will of the people. But can you think of one politician who has resigned or stepped down in deference to the will of the people in Sri Lanka? I read a news report that the Finance Minister has said that the Secretary to the Treasury, the past two Governors of the Central Bank, and senior economic advisors to the President had “misled” the Cabinet regarding the economic situation. So those named officers should be investigat­ed to determine if the wrong advice was given to serve an extraneous agenda. For example, seeking IMF assistance would compel the government to restructur­e debt, which will not be in the interest of the creditors. So it must be investigat­ed if such wrong advice was given for the benefit of any such party. In any event, whether the misleading was deliberate or based on sheer ineptitude, the authoritie­s should consider legal recourse.

Under our law, if any party causes loss or damage, including due to negligence, then the aggrieved party can sue the offending party for damages. So the Minister of Justice should now request the AG to institute action to recover the damages against the named officers. If the Government doesn’t pursue legal recourse, I do hope the BASL will consider a public interest litigation seeking damages against those responsibl­e.

5 DO WE HAVE ADEQUATE LAWS TO PUNISH THE WRONG-DOERS AND RECOVER STOLEN ASSETS?

The Commission to Investigat­e Allegation­s of Bribery or Corruption is mandated to investigat­e and prosecute under the Bribery Act. Additional­ly, a person can be prosecuted under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), where he/she is found to have directly or indirectly engaged in any transactio­ns involving property derived from any unlawful activity. The term “unlawful activity” is defined to include, inter alia, bribery and corruption. A significan­t feature of this law is that if any person is unable to explain the sources of funds or assets, or where the funds or assets are not commensura­te with his/her known sources of income, it is presumed until the contrary is proven that the said property has been derived from unlawful activity, and he/she would be liable to be prosecuted under the PMLA and on conviction punished with rigorous imprisonme­nt for a period between five to twenty years. The court is also empowered to recover up to three times the value of the property by way of a fine, and forfeit the property. The Declaratio­n of Assets and Liabilitie­s

Law would have been a useful legal instrument to enable the authoritie­s to asses if any persons had acquired assets, which are not commensura­te with their known earnings, if only the law was consistent­ly implemente­d as a matter of course, which doesn’t happen. Further, it is an archaic piece of law passed over 45 years ago, and does not address the present day situation in respect of wide-scale corruption. Under this law all MPS, public officers, members of local government­s et al are required to submit their assets and liabilitie­s declaratio­ns annually. However, the penalty for failure to submit or making a false declaratio­n is a mere fine of Rupees 1000/- or imprisonme­nt of either descriptio­n for a term not exceeding one year or to both such fine and imprisonme­nt. In my view this penalty is far too lenient, and is not adequate to compel compliance. There are also many other weaknesses in the law.

For example, MPS have to submit their declaratio­n to the Speaker, ministers have to submit to the President. There is no provision as to whom the President must submit his assets declaratio­n. And there is no legal obligation cast on any entity to monitor compliance. In my view the law ought to be reformed to inter alia include provisions requiring declaratio­ns of the President, ministers, parliament­arians, elected officers, ministry secretarie­s and very senior bureaucrat­s heading institutio­ns to be published proactivel­y.

However, the critical question is whether we have the capacity and ware-withal to find assets siphoned-off overseas and to have them repatriate­d to Sri Lanka. We would need assistance from foreign states for this. There is the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act in terms of which we can seek the assistance of foreign states in advancing investigat­ions overseas. Sri Lanka is also party to the multilater­al treaty, UN Convention against Corruption, through which we can seek the assistance of state parties to the Convention, including in engaging in the Stolen Assets Recovery Initiative (STAR) of the World Bank and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime. How far any of these legal or other mechanisms would be effective will depend on the will of law enforcemen­t authoritie­s, including the attorney general to investigat­e and prosecute these crimes. To start off, the authoritie­s should investigat­e the former officers of CBSL and Treasury, whom the Finance Minister named as having misled the government regarding the true state of the economy, and consider if they are liable to be charged under the Penal Code and/or the Offences against Public

Property Act.

6 DO YOU THINK WE NEED A NEW CONSTITUTI­ON? IF SO, WHAT CHANGES WOULD YOU ADVOCATE?

Absolutely! I believe the 1978 Constituti­on has been crafted with the singular objective of fortifying power around one entity – the executive presidency. If I were to make recommenda­tions for a new constituti­on, I will submit the following, inter alia – abolish the executive presidency; include all human rights recognized under the Universal Declaratio­n of Human Rights, including the Right to Life, as justiciabl­e fundamenta­l rights; add socio-economic rights as justiciabl­e rights, which would enable a citizen to seek legal recourse against government when there is mishandlin­g, corruption or waste of public funds; include constituti­onal duty upon the prime minister to appoint cabinet ministers based on their competence and qualificat­ion to handle the specific portfolio (it is due to the absence of such a requiremen­t in the 1978 constituti­on that most cabinet or state minsters are assigned subject matter completely out of their depths); minimum qualificat­ion to contest as a member of parliament (even for a junior level administra­tive position in the public service there are minimum qualificat­ions required. Parliament is where laws are passed, and amongst many other vital functions, it has full control over public finance. So why would you not require minimum qualificat­ion for a MP?); provisions to enable the State to recover stolen assets from politician­s, bureaucrat­s and their families, on conviction for charges of corruption, mismanagem­ent, excesses or waste of public funds and resources. A new constituti­on must ensure that there is clear separation of powers and that crucial appointmen­ts are made by an independen­t body, such as the Constituti­onal Council; rigid provisions in respect of government procuremen­t processes, eliminatin­g room for unsolicite­d projects and the possibilit­y for politician­s and interim parties to receive ‘commission­s’ at the cost of the State; clear constituti­onal obligation­s on the government to protect and conserve the environmen­t, our forests and the wildlife, which have taken a severe beating during the last two decades. I will also advocate that the official language be English and that Sinhala and Tamil be recognized as link languages on the same footing. Those who may oppose that propositio­n should read the books of Lee Kuan Yew. By retaining English as the official language, he equipped the Singaporea­n citizens to compete with the global workforce. In Sri Lanka, graduates find it difficult to secure employment in the private sector due to lack of fluency in English, which is the working language in banks and most private corporates. A new constituti­on must call upon the State to protect and foster all religions - Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Christiani­ty et al

– en par. One of the fundamenta­l Buddhist philosophi­es is equality. I believe it was in the Sutta Nipata, that the Buddha taught two quarrellin­g groups of Brahmins that all people were equal. And if we are all equal, then there is no justifiabl­e rationale to place one religion over the other in a diverse land like ours. I believe the ‘Aragalaya’ showed the nation that whether one is Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Christian, we all aspire for the same thing - a peaceful and trouble-free existence, and when that is deprived, our pain and suffering is the same. Perhaps the silver line in these dark days is that for the first time ever in my memory, people of all ethnicitie­s and religions have stood together protesting against the same forces. People have hopefully realized through this suffering that we are all the same and in Buddha’s own words there are no discernibl­e difference­s amongst humans. I hope that sense of unity continues and permeates into all nooks and corners of the country. I do hope that it does not fall by the wayside once this is all over and people will go back to their old habits of “us” and “them”.

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