Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

SL must learn right

US presents milder amended draft; but UNHRC supervisio­n if vote is passed

- By Our Political Editor

The SOS message arrived after Sri Lanka's 52-member delegation -- which was a heavy burden on the country's purse -returned to Colombo early this week from the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sessions in Geneva.

The breather from the on-going 19th sessions was in the belief that the United States-backed resolution on Sri Lanka would be moved only later this month. So much so, the delegation leader, the President's human rights special envoy and Minister Mahinda Samarasing­he chose to undertake a visit to Japan, return to Colombo and later get back to Geneva. That visit was connected to issues over tea in his capacity as Minister of Plantation Industries. This was whilst the Minister of External Affairs continued his South African safari -- an odyssey that has turned out to be a tragi-comedy in the conduct of Sri Lanka's foreign policy. More chapters unfolded this week.

Tamara Kunanayaka­m, Sri Lanka's Permanent Representa­tive to the United Nations in Geneva, rang the alarm bell. The United States had sprung a surprise. As revealed exclusivel­y in these columns last week that it would happen come Wednesday, the official text of the Us-backed resolution was handed over to the conference secretaria­t on that day for inclusion in the agenda. That, however, seemed a shock and surprise for the Sri Lanka mission, which shows how out of touch it was with the happenings around it. The next day, (Thursday), the United States Ambassador for Human Rights Council, Eileen Chamberlai­n Donahue, called an 'informal consultati­on' to which all Geneva-based missions and UNHRC delegates were invited. In the light of this, Mohan Peiris, legal advisor to the Cabinet, hurriedly boarded a flight to Geneva on Wednesday. The next day, he was at the meeting in the afternoon together with Deputy Solicitor General Shavendra Fernando. Donahue announced that the United States had handed over the resolution for inclusion in the agenda. She said countries that wished to co-sponsor it could fill up and turn in the required forms that were on her table. In terms of HRC procedure, not only countries with voting rights but also other UN members are entitled to co-sponsor such resolution­s. Thus, it is still not clear how many would join in as cosponsors. However, one source in Geneva said, "a number of countries" have already joined in. The government prepared yesterday to rush ministers, MPS, officials and others to Geneva. This is at a time when politician­s who represente­d various countries have returned home after attending the 'high level segment' of the Council. They have left matters in the hands of their permanent missions. The question is with whom are the new Sri Lanka delegation members going to interact? Not that most of them interacted during the first part of the sessions.

In her opening remarks, Donahue said, back in to the national life of Sri Lanka, and to ensure accountabi­lity for actions taken during the war.

"Time is slipping by for the people of Sri Lanka. Together with the internatio­nal community we want to work with Sri Lanka in order to bring lasting peace to the island. We firmly believe that action now in this Council reflects the internatio­nal community's on-going interest in and support for action on the ground in Sri Lanka. Numerous internatio­nal and domestic observers have echoed our concern that the government of Sri Lanka must now establish domestic processes that will sow the seeds of lasting peace on the ground. With this resolution, the countries of the world can extend their hand of cooperatio­n to help all the people."

Seated with Donahue was a State Department official who had flown from Washington DC to Geneva for the event. He was Atul Keshap, Director of the Office of India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, the Maldives and Bhutan in the Bureau of Central and South Asian Affairs in the State Department. He reports directly to Robert Blake, Assistant Secretary who heads the Bureau. The other was Miriam Shahrzad Schive, in charge of political affairs and specialise­d agencies in the US diplomatic mission in Geneva.

Keshap followed Donahue with some remarks. He said the resolution was not "brought up suddenly." The United States too had helped Sri Lanka eradicate terrorism. He charged that the government has "not been practical" in its approach to issues and recalled that Blake was personally aware of some developmen­ts since he had served as Ambassador. Thereafter, in his capacity as Assistant Secretary he had visited Sri Lanka many times for talks with government leaders, opposition political parties and civil society organisati­ons. He (Blake) understood the ground realities well, Keshap noted. There was a slip up during his speech when he referred to Mohan Peiris as the Attorney General. He was reminded by Peiris that he had already relinquish­ed that office.

Participan­ts were allowed a three minute speech. Peiris took the opportunit­y to strongly defend Sri Lanka. He accused the west of double standards and asked why Sri Lanka was being singled out. When his time was over, Peiris protested that since the resolution was against Sri Lanka, it was nothing but right that he be given more time to argue the country's case. When contributi­ons by some 25 envoys and delegates from UN member countries ended, Donahue noted, "we still have some more time" and invited Peiris to speak again. The legal advisor to the Cabinet said the final report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconcilia­tion Commission (LLRC) had been broadly divided into four different categories. They were (1) National Policy (2) Final stages of the separatist war (3) National Security, and (4) Rehabilita­tion and Developmen­t. Several Committees were being tasked to go into these aspects. The initiative­s were being chaired by President Mahinda Rajapaksa. He looked at the chair and remarked "The United States is abusing their might."

Delegates from African and Latin American countries, though present, did not make speeches. Nor did the Indian diplomats who were present there. Besides Sri Lanka, delegates from Denmark (on behalf of the European Union), Pakistan, France, Russian Federation, Switzerlan­d, Norway, Cuba, Hungary, Poland, Egypt (on behalf of the Non Aligned Movement), Sweden, Australia, Thailand, the Philippine­s, the United Kingdom, Algeria, Indonesia, Austria, Zimbabwe, Germany, China, Canada, Portugal and Ireland also spoke.

Here are brief accounts on the positions taken up by different countries whose delegates made speeches.

Denmark (on behalf of the EU) - The US resolution is moderate, balanced and reasonable. We welcome the text. vention into a sovereign nation. It is not acceptable or appropriat­e.

Switzerlan­d (A voting member) - We thank the United States for bringing this resolution. We completely agree with it. The resolution should be taken in the spirit in which it is being moved.

Norway (A voting member) - We welcome the resolution and support it. It is done in the spirit of consulting or engaging. Sri Lanka must understand that.

China (A voting member) - We do not support country specific resolution­s. The US has double standards.

Cuba - Twenty years ago, there was a resolution against Cuba. Nothing happened. Special renditions using aircraft are also violations of human rights like those detained in the Guantanamo base.

Hungary (A voting member) - We fully support the resolution. We are very concerned about the intimidati­on of NGOS that is continuing even today.

Poland (A voting member) - We are very satisfied with the full text of the resolution.

Egypt - On behalf of the Non Aligned Movement, we strongly oppose the resolution. Reads out a statement issued earlier by NAM in Geneva.

Sweden - The text is well balanced and appropriat­e.

Australia - The resolution is reasonable and constructi­ve.

Thailand (A voting member) - The resolution is not necessary. It should not be moved.

The Philippine­s (A voting member) - We support the position taken up by the Non Aligned Movement. Sri Lanka should be given time. We do not support the resolution.

The United Kingdom - The resolution is timely and constructi­ve. Even the report of the UN Panel of Experts should be considered.

Algeria - Sri Lanka must be given time. The resolution should not be rushed. The government process should be allowed to work.

Indonesia (A voting member) - Sri Lanka should be given time. The domestic process in motion should be allowed to work.

Austria (A voting member) - It is unfortunat­e Sri Lanka is not wanting to be engaged with the internatio­nal community.

Zimbabwe - We support the NAM position. It is very unfair to bring this resolution.

Germany - The resolution is important and sustainabl­e.

Portugal - We welcome the reso- and the final text of the resolution discussed at the 'informal consultati­on,' lays bare some important changes and the significan­t nuances underscori­ng them. The montage on this page gives the deletions and additions made to the draft. Whilst the first four paragraphs have been retained, some of the strong language used in the draft has been omitted from the final text. The words "expressing concern," has been replaced in the final text with "noting with concern" and goes on to add that "the Lessons Learnt and Reconcilia­tion Commission report does not adequately address serious allegation­s of violations of internatio­nal law." Omitted are the words that come thereafter: "and expressing serious disappoint­ment that the Government of Sri Lanka has not fulfilled its relevant legal obligation­s and stated commitment to initiate credible and independen­t investigat­ions and prosecutio­n of those responsibl­e for such violations."

The change no doubt is the result of consultati­ons with member countries of the UNHRC which have sought some form of moderation in return for their support.

In this regard, there are more deletions. One is the call in the original draft for Sri Lanka whilst implementi­ng LLRC recommenda­tions" additional­ly to take immediate steps to fulfil its relevant obligation­s and stated commitment to address serious violations of internatio­nal law by initiating credible and independen­t investigat­ions and prosecutio­n of those responsibl­e for such violations."

Instead, a milder re-worded paragraph adds that the government should "….. take all necessary additional steps to fulfil its relevant legal obligation­s and commitment to credible and independen­t actions to ensure justice, equity, accountabi­lity and reconcilia­tion for all Sri Lankans." Also deleted is a request for the "Government of Sri Lanka to present a comprehens­ive action plan before the 20th session of the Human Rights Council detailing the steps the Government has taken and will take to implement the LLRC recommenda­tions …."

However, the sting for Sri Lanka is in the tail or the final paragraph of the official text of the resolution. First to the last few lines in the draft which said it "Encourages the Office of the High Commission­er for Human Rights and the relevant special mandate holders to provide, and the Government of Sri Lanka to accept, advice and technical assistance on implementi­ng those steps."

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