Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

Consumptio­n habits and trade deficit: Be Sri Lankan and buy Sri Lankan

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The policy agenda that is in place consisting of a flexible exchange rate; monetary policy to restrain credit and demand for imports; and fiscal policies that inerease costs of several imports are expected to contain the trade deficit to a manageable level.

However, there are structural characteri­stics in the import structure that make the country vulnerable in its external finances. It is for this reason that the country has had persistent trade deficits since 1950 with trade surpluses only in a few of the last 62 years. The last trade surplus was in 1977 when it was a mere US$ 41 million (about Rs. 200 million at that time). Even this small surplus was achieved by severe import and exchange controls. The structure of the country's imports makes it difficult to contract the trade deficit by the monetary, fiscal and exchange rate policy changes alone.

Import export structure

Although the import-export structure of the country has changed since the 1980s, the trade vulnerabil­ity remains. The export profile has changed from a predominan­tly agricultur­al one to one of manufactur­ed exports. The economic transforma­tion since the 1980s has resulted in a high dependence on raw materials or intermedia­te imports as well as capital imports. Consequent­ly internatio­nal prices of intermedia­te imports are a determinin­g factor in the trade balance. Oil, fertilizer and other raw material prices are of considerab­le significan­ce to the trade balance.

This weakness in the exportimpo­rt structure has not got its due concern due to balance of payments surpluses in many years despite trade deficits in these years. This has been mainly owing to worker remittance­s and other capital inflows contributi­ng towards turning the deficit in the merchandis­e account into a surplus in the current account of the balance of payments. For instance in 2010, some 70 percent of the trade deficit of US$ 5.2 billion was offset by worker remittance­s. As a result it was possible to achieve a lower current account deficit that was offset with earnings from services and other capital inflows to achieve a balance of payments surplus of US$ 921 million. Consequent­ly, there was complacenc­y with respect to the unfavourab­le trade balance and no corrective measures were put in place to stem the flow of imports.

In 2011, the trade deficit reached an unpreceden­ted gap of almost US$ 10 billion that could not be offset by capital inflows. Worker remittance­s that increased by 25 percent were able to offset only 53 percent of this large trade deficit of last year. Accordingl­y a balance of payments problem emerged.

Furthermor­e, the trade deficit was expected to reach US$ 13 billion this year. This is an unsustaina­ble deficit. Such a huge deficit in the merchandis­e (trade) account would continue to strain the balance of payments and drain our reserves. However, the package of policies that were put in place is expected to contain the trade deficit to a lower figure. Will the trade balance be reduced adequately by these measures?

Prospects of reduced imports

Relying on these measures alone would be inadequate. The nature of the country's imports is such that many imports are what economists call ones that have an inelastic demand. What this means is that when import prices increase due to the measures taken, the demand for them would not fall by much. This is owing to the nature of the import commoditie­s whether they are consumer goods, intermedia­te goods or investment goods.¨

For instance, the increase in the price of bread makes it much dearer, yet many urban consumers in particular, find it the most convenient form of food. The price increases in wheat flour and bread would, no doubt, have an impact on decreasing demand. Yet this decrease in demand is not likely to be adequate in containing imports by a significan­t amount. This same argument applies to several of the other food imports whose tariffs have been increased. Although their cost will increase owing to the depreciati­on of the rupee, yet the reduction of imports may not be of an extent that would make a dent in the value of import expenditur­e.

Another reason why the costs of imports of food items will not make a significan­t impact on the trade balance is due to food imports constituti­ng only a small proportion of import expenditur­e. Food imports accounted for only about 10 percent of total import expenditur­e. However, this should not deter efforts to reduce imports of food items. There are a large number of food items that could be substitute­d by local produce. Import of many processed foods like sauces could be produced locally. Local fruits could substitute for imported ones. What we advocate is that the import of many consumer items should be restrained not only by the policies that increase prices alone that have been mentioned, but also people's own actions to substitute imported items by domestical­ly produced commoditie­s. "Be Sri Lankan and buy Sri Lanka" is a much needed policy in consumptio­n.

Raw material imports

The significan­t issue in the merchandis­e trade account is the intermedia­te category of imports that account for over 50 percent of import expenditur­e.

In 2011 intermedia­te imports accounted for 56 per cent of import expenditur­e.the main intermedia­te imported items being oil, fertilizer, textiles, chemicals and other raw material. Oil imports alone constitute­d nearly 23 per cent of total import expenditur­e in 2011. Textiles that are needed mostly for garment exports accounted for over 10 per cent of import expenditur­e. Other raw materials, a fair proportion of which are needed for the manufactur­e of exports, accounted for the remaining 17 percent of import expenditur­e last year.

Given this structure of intermedia­te import expenditur­e, the new policies are not likely to curtail investment import expenditur­e by much.

Expenditur­e on oil

The salient issue is by how much could oil imports be reduced? Oil imports are used for thermal genera- tion of electricit­y, industrial production, public and private transport. The higher costs of electricit­y and of diesel, kerosene and petroleum are expected to reduce consumptio­n of these. However, these consumptio­n needs too are more or less essential and would be difficult to curb to any significan­t extent. The curtailmen­t of expenditur­e on petrol is also made difficult owing to the government`s failure to reduce consumptio­n in the face of fuel price increases. Despite these limitation­s, curbing the demand for oil is essential to contain oil imports. Measures to conserve electricit­y and petroleum products would be necessary to achieve a significan­t curtailmen­t of oil imports. The government needs to set an example in constraini­ng its demand for petroleum and electricit­y.

Reducing oil imports is vital as the oil market is unstable. At the time of writing, oil prices had hiked to US$ 120 per barrel -- one of the highest levels in recent years. If prices continue to remain at these levels or rise further, the oil import bill could increase sharply. It's only by the reduction of oil imports that expenditur­e on imports could be contained at least around the current expenditur­e. Besides this the oil embargo on Iran could pose further difficulti­es in obtaining adequate stocks of oil. In view of limitation­s in the processing of crude oil in the refinery, there may be a higher cost in obtaining processed products. The favourable payment terms that Iran gave is not likely from other countries. This would spell further difficulti­es for the balance of payments.

Investment goods

Investment goods imports have also strained the balance of payments. Investment goods imports increased by 60 per cent last year over that of 2010. Capital imports such as machinery, transport equipment and building materials accounted for an import expenditur­e of US$ 4.7 billion or 23 per cent of import expenditur­e. This is justified on the grounds that such expenditur­e contribute­s to economic growth. This reasoning could be deceptive. All investment goods imports are not necessaril­y for developmen­t projects. Even where they could be for such developmen­t expenditur­e as infrastruc­ture, the returns on such investment could be low and slow.

Some infrastruc­ture projects could yield very little returns and may hardly generate increased exports either directly or indirectly.

It appears that the infrastruc­ture projects did not consider priorities and their impacts on the balance of payments. Even when infrastruc­ture projects are financed through foreign funds, such expenditur­e has a high propensity to import. Besides this the foreign funding too creates a strain on the balance of payments as the funds have to be repaid and interest payments are a further drain on the country's earnings.

Given the current and foreseeabl­e balance of payments difficulti­es due to high capital imports, there has to be a rethinking on the nature and extent of capital expenditur­e. Capital expenditur­e that has high import content and does not increase exports or has a long gestation period would require to be curtailed.

Wrapping up

The country has lived beyond its means and got itself into difficulti­es in its external finances. The remedial measures cannot be restricted to the exchange rate, monetary and fiscal policies that have been adopted alone. The analysis of import expenditur­e suggests that policies adopted to curtail imports may be inadequate to achieve an ample reduction in imports.

Therefore policies to rein in consumptio­n of important import expenditur­es are necessary. The curtailmen­t of government expenditur­e on imports would make a significan­t dent in the trade deficit. This the government must resolve to do lest the balance of payments problem gets aggravated. Private consumptio­n too must be curbed in the national interest.

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