Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

Appropriat­e housing solutions for low income groups in Colombo city

- By Thushara Samaratung­a (MPIA / MITPSL) PHD Candidate - Bond University, Australia

Until 2001, high-rise housing for low-income people (structures above five storeys) was not in the Sri Lankan government's urban planning agenda. Since then, the government has attempted to convince urban slum dwellers to relocate to nearby high-rise apartments and, thus, reclaim encumbered lands for commercial and city developmen­t.

The "Sahaspura" high-rise low-income housing project was the first attempt in this direction and it consisted of 14 floors with 670 housing units in 2001. In practice, this concept has been limited to one project, "Sahaspura", and no more developmen­ts were proposed until the end of the civil war in 2009. However, after that, the government has given priority attention to city developmen­t, especially in Colombo as it is the commercial capital of the country. The main constraint in Colombo city developmen­t is that 51 % of the city's population live in under-served settlement­s.

The alternativ­e considered best by Colombo was to implement a high-rise highdensit­y vertical housing strategy, which begun in 2001 under the "Sahaspura" project. At the time of writing this, nearly 12,000 housing units have begun with a goal to construct 35,000 dwellings within next three years.

However, Sri Lankan housing profession­als and policy-makers have mixed feelings about high-rise low-income housing in Colombo and ongoing high rise low income housing in Colombo. Lack of literature and research are the main disadvanta­ges in the field and the city needs more academic research, profession­al dialogue to discover what the main factors are in the success or failures of low-income housing, especially high-rise low-income housing.

Even though high-rise low-income housing is new for Sri Lanka, it is not new for many other countries in the world. Therefore, using the knowledge gained from internatio­nal experience­s and critically evaluation of past experience­s would be very beneficial for Sri Lankan high-rise housing. The Pruitt Igoe public housing project in St Louis, US is one of the most discussed high rise low income housing projects as well as a symbolic icon and the most wellknown case study, which ended in the demolition of 2,800 housing units. There is a correlatio­n between the Pruitt-igoe case and the current Colombo high-rise low-income housing program called Relocation of Underserve­d Settlement. As the main aim of both projects was slum clearance by providing high-rise housing for urban poor. Therefore, understand­ing the PruittIgoe experience and evaluation of "Sahasputra" experience­s is important for Sri Lankan profession­als and policy-makers to reduce the risk and not repeat the same mistake in developing high-rise low-income housing in Sri Lanka.

Key issues

In the Pruitt Igoe public housing project and other well known high rise public housing projects, it is clear that most of issues are associated with main four categories listed below:

The success or failure of high-rise lowincome housing depends on how these four sectors are managed and mitigated. After the high-profile failure of the Pruitt Igoe public housing scheme, most housing profession­als considered high-rise public housing chapter no longer an option in the US. Therefore, to understand the issues surroundin­g high-rise low-density housing, it is necessary to conduct an in-depth evaluation of Pruitt Igoe housing project with comparison of how social and cultural issues, architectu­ral planning and technical issues, financial issues and management and operationa­l issues affected this project.

Pruitt-igoe was a large public housing project built in 1954 on a 57-acre site in St Louis, comprising 33 eleven-floor buildings which would house over 2,800 apartments. The complex was designed by well-known architect Minoru Yamasaki, who also designed the World Trade Centre in New York. Pruitt-igoe was a critically acclaimed design and in 1951 the Architectu­ral Forum gave Pruitt-igoe an award as the 'the best high-rise apartment' of the year. Pruitt-igoe was styled as a project that followed the principles of Le Corbusier's concept in modern architectu­re. Although criticisms of inadequate parking and a lack of recreation facilities were levelled at this project, no one anticipate­d Pruitt-igoe would become a symbolic failure in the public housing sector.

Shortly after its completion, this awardwinni­ng project began its decline. The project had failed at an architectu­ral and social level. Maintenanc­e and many other qualitativ­e features proved to be expensive and difficult to upkeep. In 1972, state and federal authoritie­s decided to demolish the $57 million investment project, making it the biggest disaster in high-rise public housing history.

What went wrong with Pruitt-igoe? The explanatio­n for the spectacula­r failure is complex. Most people believe it was purely architectu­ral failure and the constructi­on did not meet the needs of the city or its residents. Other critics bring in social factors, such as a lack of shared space to create community feeling and the lack of recreation­al areas. Some argue poor maintenanc­e and management which caused the building to fall into disrepair. However, no one single reason could cause such a huge disaster, and the most common theory is that several mistakes were made throughout the project. Therefore, architectu­ral social, management and policy issues equally led to the qualitativ­e decline and kept people out of the project.

Planning and technical issues

Technical failures and the negative attitudes of the architects also have had a bad impact on public housing in this era. Most of the architects who plan public housing for low-income people didn't really care about the people who were going to live in it. The public's image was they were just considered poor, illiterate people, so the attitude was, 'Let's put them all in one place, in these huge buildings, and just let the damned things go'. That statement rings especially true in the context of the Sri Lankan low-income housing, as government­s tend to think only in terms of literal improvemen­t of living space, believing it is enough to uplift the living condition and social life of the urban poor. For example, in "Sahaspura" the minimum unit size is 35 square metres, which is not much space for an entire family and their amenities. However as the family's previous dwellings in the slums likely consisted of a space smaller than 35 square metres without any amenities, it is an improvemen­t.

According to literature, there are common features to high-rise public housing that mean it will not wear well over time. Some examples of these features are poor maintenanc­e, the regular breakdown of elevators, a low-cost design, a lack of insulation to prevent excesses of heat and cold, a lack of open space and landscapin­g as well as isolation of individual­s due to a lack of common space. Furthermor­e, if an area consists of only low-income people, then it will be labelled as 'a place where the poor people are living'. The Pruitt-igoe developmen­t experience­d all of the above-mentioned weaknesses, and they have been very common in most low-income housing projects in Sri Lanka.

Location is another issue in many public housing projects. City planners tend to propose poor and isolated areas for low income housing. Considerin­g the land value and demand, locating low income housing far away from the city centre is much cheaper and can reduce the cost of the project. Pruitt-igoe is an example of this, as it was located far away from the Central Business District (CBD) in an area which was demarcated as poor residentia­l area. Fortunatel­y, Sri Lankan urban planners have avoided this mistake and attempting to provide low-income housing near the CBD and and other workplaces.

The best examples are "Gunasinghe Pura Flats", just five minutes walking distance from the CBD and Central Station, "Kotahena Flats" which is five minutes walking distance from the Colombo harbour and "Maligawath­a Flats", which is 10 minutes walking distance to the railway yards and industrial areas. In addition "Sahaspura", Sri Lanka's first high-rise lowincome housing project, is also located at the centre of the city. Prime location is one of the main strength in Colombo's low-income housing, and even though low-income housing tends to have the minimum facilities and amenities, no project has resulted in demolition or mass vacancies like Pruitt-igoe.

Elevators

From a health point of view reducing el- evators encourages people to walk and climb stairs, thus receiving incidental beneficial exercise. However, a skip-stop elevator causes enormous difficulty to elderly people, sick people or those with a disability, pregnant woman and parents with small children. Unfortunat­ely, the same thing happened in Sahaspura when the Sri Lankan architects also incorrectl­y assumed that having galleries would help promote community interactio­n in what was bound to be a harsh environmen­t, and so the lift only operated above the fifth floor. Today, these huge corridors are the most difficult part to maintain and that unnecessar­y space could have been added to residentia­l area and bigger units could have been made for the same cost. Fortunatel­y, the Sri Lankan architects did not structural­ly restrict building with skip-stop elevators and manually restricted usage up to the fourth level. Therefore those people who need the elevator can obtain special permission to use it when they need.

Social issues

In Colombo, ethnic and religion diversific­ation is not a big problem. Despite this, social recognitio­n can be very negative and with a perception that low-income people who live low-income housing are 'looked down upon' and lack privilege in the city. Another mistake made in PruittIgoe was to house many people into too little space, without easy access to the outside world. In fact, even as the public housing planners were designing their highrise blueprints in the early 1950s, sociologis­ts were warning of the dangers of separating the poor and isolating them in mammoth structures. However, the warnings went unheeded, and during the 1950s and early 1960s, a boom period for public housing, the vast majority of units constructe­d in major urban areas were in buildings of nine or more storeys. A similar situation is currently occurring in Sri Lanka. After the end of the 30 year civil war, planners and city authority tried to build as many high-rise low-income housing as possible in a limited area to clear the slums in the city. However, Sri Lankan urban planners and policy-makers often do not pay attention to social issues and focus on production. If Sri Lankan policy-makers do not learn lessons from past unsuccessf­ul examples of isolated high-density low-income housing, the same failure can be happen in Colombo. Further social issues such as violence, crime, drugs, vandalism, illegal business and the Mafia also contribute­d to the failure of the Pruitt-igoe developmen­t. These types of social issues are not uncommon in slums and when slum dwellers relocate to the high-rises, they bring their existing social issues with them. Therefore, planners should be aware of this problem and avoid placing thousands of slum dwellers in one place, thus reducing their vulnerabil­ity to crime and creating a safe environmen­t.

In the 1980's the Max Plank Institute in Germany received funding from the European Union to establish the relationsh­ip between high-rise low-income housing and vulnerabil­ity to crime, focusing on whether this problem of crime has something to do with the design and constructi­on of high-rise housing or whether it is to do with broader social and demographi­c factors. The research found that crime and a decrease in the quality of life is not limited to high-rise buildings and that physical security and design improvemen­ts aimed at crime reduction alone will not in themselves guarantee a safer environmen­t. As usual, community safety is reliant more on socio--economic, community cohesion, demographi­c and estate management factors. Good design and appropriat­e levels of fortificat­ion can provide the background to a better quality of life for residents of high-rise housing.

Management and maintenanc­e

Experience­s with the management and maintenanc­e of high-rises in the past have show that high-rise housing is difficult and complicate­d to manage, whether privately owned, government owned or belonging to a housing associatio­n. High-rise housing often shares too many facilities and amenities including public spaces, lifts, combined electricit­y and water networks, et cetera, but lack any who takes responsibi­lity for their maintenanc­e, management and cleanlines­s of the building. Therefore having a management corporatio­n is essential for undertakin­g the management and maintenanc­e of the building. It is vital that the management corporate has sufficient funds to keep the building in a good manner. Privately, owned luxury high-rise apartment buildings have their own mech- anism to maintain the building which includes adequate funding, but it more complicate­d when it comes to low-income highrise housing. Poor maintenanc­e is one of the biggest contributo­rs to the deteriorat­ion of high-rise buildings and low-income housing associatio­ns often have little or no money to undertake regular maintenanc­e.

Most of the low-income house-owners believe it is the responsibi­lity of the government or city council and blame the government and city council for the deteriorat­ion of the building. The previous Sri Lankan government did not establish a requiremen­t to have a management corporatio­n for low-income housing projects and all maintenanc­e was done by the Common Amenity Board in the Housing Ministry. However, this system has been changed from "Sahaspura" project and now it is legal requiremen­t for establishe­d management corporatio­n for high-rise low-income housing project which is responsibl­e for taking care of the building with the support of the residents. However, even with a compulsory management corporatio­n raising funds is still crucial with low-income housing in any circumstan­ces. This problem is not exclusive to Pruitt-igoe and Sri Lanka. It is very common scenario for lowincome high-rises around the world.

Financial issues

Mary K. Nenno, the Associate Director of the National Associatio­n of Housing and Redevelopm­ent Officials in the 1950s, stated that "The constructi­on of high-rise public housing was to a large extent a response to cost pressures.

The federal government wanted to get as many units on a site as was humanly possible - not only because it would be cheaper to build per unit, but also because it would be cheaper to operate once it was built and would mean more rental income coming in".

Accordingl­y, it was clear that under the urban renewal and slum clearance projects of the 1950s, the housing authority target was to provide as many units as possible for low-income families with a limited budget. Budget restrictio­ns were one of the main reason changing the original proposal of Pruitt-igoe, which was a mix of high and low density housing projects, to only high-density 11-storeyed housing. The Pruitt-igoe project was also severely restricted by cost-cutting as an attempt to reduce costs from the original budget. The cost-cutting limited the architects and forced them to change the original designs. Several changes were made to the design of the Pruitt-igoe public housing, for example elevators and corridors were constructe­d on the outside of most buildings and cheap material and poor-quality finishes were used. Additional­ly, to save money on doorways, elevators were designed to stop only on every third floor, and while the elevators and hallways constructe­d along the outside of buildings may have reduced initial costs, they also virtually ensured there would be maintenanc­e problems. This post-concept reduction of constructi­on costs also happened in Colombo while developing its high-rise low-income housing. The government wanted to minimise the cost of housing while building as many units as possible within a limited budget. In "Sahaspura", the initial minimum unit size was 45 square metres. This area was reduced to 35 square metres due to the huge cost pressure and to increase the number of units.

Currently the Sri Lankan government plans to construct 66,000 high-rise housing units in Colombo to relocate the residents of under-served settlement­s in the city. This is the biggest relocation programme in the country's history and the estimated budget is Rs 2.5 million per unit.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Secretary of the Ministry of Defence and Urban Developmen­t in Sri Lanka and the key person in the relocation of under-served settlement programme, during a speech on World Town Planning Day (2010), noted: "At least Rs 2.5 million is required to resettle one of these families at a small housing unit. We have to find money to relocate these families. Town planning comes in here. Town planning should be realistic and town planners have a big challenge while doing this."

His statement makes clear that the government expects considerab­le profession­al input in this programme in order for it to succeed. Therefore planners, architects, engineers and all profession­als who engage in the relocation programme have a huge responsibi­lity to ensure its success and they have to be careful not to make any mistakes as well as not repeating simillar mistakes that have been made in other developmen­ts previously.

 ??  ?? Maligawath­a Flats - 10 minutes walking distance to the railway yards and industrial areas.
Maligawath­a Flats - 10 minutes walking distance to the railway yards and industrial areas.

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